BLACK TUESDAY IN THE BAHAMAS(APRIL 27, 1965)
(Events inside and outside of The House of Assembly and aftermath of Black Tuesday are excerpts from "The Quiet Revolution" by Dame Dr. Doris Johnson.)

Possibly the greatest event in the movement towards Bahamian Independence was Black Tuesday. This event culminated in 1967 but started with the 1962 General Elections. The 1962 General Elections was the first elections where all Bahamians including women, were allowed vote: universal adult suffrage. Surprisingly, the United Bahamian Party won the elections over the PLP. The UBP had 21 seats and the PLP had 8. Roland Symonette became the country's first Premier. Historians have hypothesized as to why the PLP lost the elections despite overwhelming support from the majority of Bahamians. Firstly, the PLP complained of UBP job threats. Workers complained that they were threaten with being fired if they voted for the PLP. Also, the UBP campaigned on the grounds that they had done a good job of improving the Bahamian economy; and that change now would frighten the American tourists and investors who were just now coming back from the 1958 General Strike. The UBP suggested that the PLP were not knowledgeable enough to run the country and if the PLP were to gain control of the government, the economy would be ruined. Additionally, the PLP complained that the UBP had arranged the constituency boundaries in such a way as to give themselves an unfair advantage. This "fixing" of the constituency boundaries is called Gerrymandering. The PLP felt that the number of seats on the Family Islands (then called Out Islands) should be reduced because there were less people on the Family Islands. They also felt that the number of seats on New Providence should be increased.
These issues continued to be the topic of concern for the PLP until the debate reached a boiling point on April 27th 1965. After a well planned march and rally hundreds of supporters came from Windsor Park to downtown Bay Street. Lynden Pindling and Milo Butler threw the Speaker's Mace (which signified the authority of Speaker of House) and the two hour glasses (used to time the member s speech in Parliament) out of a window that Sir Lynden had opened earlier. These actions were designed to show the PLP's disgust with UBP's institutionalized discrimination. Black Tuesday demonstrated the strength of will that the PLP had.

Inside the House of Assembly (Excerpt from Doris Johnson' 'The Quiet Revolution'

The opening scene, dated April 27, 1965, was a day destined to go down in Bahamian history as "Black Tuesday". Ever since the election of 1962, the PLP had charged that the boundaries of the constituencies, as set by the ruling white minority in the House, were unfair, designed to perpetuate their control of the Government, and totally unrepresentative of the people.
As the Opposition, the PLP had accordingly drafted two amendments to the Revision of the Boundaries Draft Order which the UBP had drawn up. The first amendment, presented by Lynden Pindling, increasingly popular PLP leader, called for the House "not to resolve itself into a committee of the whole for further consideration at this time of the draft order under Section 63 (7) of the Constitution.
Spurgeon Bethel, PLP, introduced the second amendment which added to Pindling's proposal "that this House approves of a national registration campaign being held by the Government to ascertain the true position of voter population distribution in the Bahamas and the appointment of a UN special commission to delineate constituencies and boundaries."1
Milo Butler, PLP representative for the Western District, arose to speak and held the floor for the allotted fifteen minutes, after which the Speaker reminded him that his time was up.
"1 am not going to sit down," retorted Butler. "I don't abide by this fifteen-minute business. It's darned foolishness." It was not an Opposition member who proposed that Butler's time be extended, but UBP Foster Clarke, Minister of Health. The proposal met with agreement and Butler finished his argument.

Butler said that from the Premier's speech on radio ZNS, it was obvious the Government was going to do nothing about the proposed boundaries. "Their minds are made up," he said.
Arthur Hanna added that the Premier's speech aimed at intimidating the people.
But it was Pindling who carried the bulk of the argument, having won three extensions to the fifteen-minute limit.
"We do not ask the House to do what the Opposition wants," he said; "to draw up the boundaries where we want. All we ask is that the machinery available to Government be used to find out accurate figures of the voter population."
Pindling advocated a national registration of voters. "How else can we proceed when the Commission admits the figures are only guesses?"
Outside, the crowd kept up a cry of "Amend! Amend!" and one placard bearer proclaimed "Shame and Scandal in the House", a paraphrase of a popular calypso song.
On a light note that seems to characterize even the heaviest deliberations of the Bahamian Parliament, the Speaker complimented Pindling on his "nice" voice. "I intend to use it outside," was the Opposition leader's hard-headed retort. Milo Butler, commenting on the warmth of the air-conditioned, second-storey chamber, calmly rose and opened the two windows near the Opposition side of the room and surveyed the noisy crowd in the public square below.
When the House voted, both amendments were defeated. Slowly, deliberately, Lynden Pindling rose from his seat, his face a study in suppressed indignation. "It is obvious," he charged, "that the Government did not intend to do anything about the amendments. We tried to lay all our cards on the table; we tried to get the Premier to indicate whether he would be prepared to amend the draft, but it appears that it is the intention of Government to push this matter through." Pindling looked around at the tense, unsmiling faces of the ruling party. "This only shows they mean to rule with an iron hand."
Then, raising his voice, he said, "if this is the intention of the Government, I can have no part of it."
As the astonished House members watched in disbelief, the forceful young Pindling walked over to the Speaker's table and lifted the 165-year-old Mace, symbol of the Speaker's authority. " This is the symbol of authority," he shouted in ringing tones, "and authority on this island belongs to the people, and the people are outside!"
And Pindling raised the weighty sceptre and hurled it through the open second-storey window, shouting, "Yes, the people are outside, and the Mace belongs outside too!" The Mace clattered to the pavement in the square below. As if on cue, Milo Butler sprang up and flung out the two hour glasses which were used to time speakers.

Too astonished to make any sort of outcry, the UBP watched silence as Pindling led his contingent out of the House, followed by a jubilant crowd from the public gallery shouting "PLP! PLP!" Then, rousing himself, the Speaker tried to restore order and to continue business. "You cannot legally continue business without the Mace!" one Labour Party member, Randol Fawkes, reminded him. During the pandemonium that followed, two policemen appeared at the chamber door holding the top half of the Mace, the globe and crown, both badly dented.

The dramatic action in the House, for which the PLP wrote the script, confounded the long-entrenched rulers of the Bahamas and caught the attention and fired the imagination of thousands all over the world. Students of history recalled an equally dramatic moment when Oliver Cromwell, fed to the teeth by the dishonesty and corruption of the Parliament of the day, also threw down the Mace. It no longer represented the people, but only the members' own selfish interests, he charged, and tumbled it onto the floor, shouting. "Away with this bauble!" Now a new champion of the people had shown a similar contempt.

Action outside of The House of Assembly

The scene shifted to the outside, where a large crowd of black Bahamians had gathered, wearing and carrying pro-PLP posters. "Bay Street Drunk with Power," "Blood, Sweat, and Tears," and "Boycott Bay Street", were some of the slogans. They had, in fact, arrived in Rawson Square before the members of the House them¬selves, except for PLP leader Pindling and Cecil Wallace Whitfield, who had led them down East Street to Bay. They had paraded up and down Bay Street between East and Parliament Streets since early morning. Now they greeted the exit of Pindling and his party from the House with wild shouts of joy. Mounting a Post Office van, Pindling told these supporters what had just happened and why he threw out the Mace. He no longer respected the authority of the House and would not return until it was ruled by the majority of the people, he said.
Magistrate John Bailey suddenly appeared on top of a police car in front of Queen Victoria's statue in the public square and read the Riot Act, warning the noisy crowd that they must "disperse peacefully and depart to their habitations or their lawful business places, upon pains contained in the Penal Code for the prevention of tumultuous and riotous assembly". Subsequently, thirteen demonstrators were ar¬rested, accused of obstructing the police. For indeed, the police had thrown a heavy cordon of security around Rawson Square in an effort to keep the area clear of demonstrators. Directed by Commissioner Nigel Morris, the men stood shoulder to shoulder at the north, south, east, and west entrances to the Post Office and the House of Assembly. Officers patrolling the area maintained communication by walkie- talkie.

Echoing their American counterparts, the black demonstrators sang, "We Shall Overcome", the theme song of the civil rights movement in the United States. They added "Showers of Blessing" when a light rain began to fall about 11 o'clock and the "Amen" from "Lilies of the Field".
The Nassau Guardian called it the "biggest demonstration since the 1942 riot." It was not, however, to resemble that tumultuous event in bloodshed or destruction. The difference lay in the fact that this crowd had leadership, a leadership that insisted that violence be avoided.
From his perch on the Post Office van, Pindling called for a hundred volunteers to stage a sit-down there and then. He was immediately joined by hundreds of demonstrators who sat down in the middle of Bay Street. "Your fight is not with the police," Pindling told them. "Obey them if you are told to move." And for twenty minutes police dragged unresistant demonstrators away.
Pindling charged that the report of the Boundaries Commissioners did not reflect the true state of voter distribution. He vowed to stage "a string of demonstrations as the only way to bring the stink of this city to the attention of the world.... Instead of making a fair distribution of seats, the UBP prefer to close their eyes and accept the figures for 1962," the young lawyer asserted.

The issue would not die, Pindling assured his hearers. "I propose to lay full papers before the Secretary of State for the Colonies and the United Nations General Assembly," he challenged; "so that they may review the matter now before the House."
The riot squad, who carried no weapons but wicker shields and wooden batons, were led by Inspector Lawrence Major. In their dealing with the demonstrators they were assisted by police officers John Crawley, Errington Watkins, and Cyril Joseph. With the Riot Act in force, Pindling and his colleagues marched the crowd away to the Southern Recreation Grounds "over the hill". There Pindling told the PLP supporters to return to their homes or businesses and to come back to the Recreation Grounds that night, "when the course of today's action would be decided".

Aftermath of Black Tuesday Events

Would the House censure the actions of Pindling and his colleagues? Shortly before he threw out the Mace, Pindling remarked to the members, "This might be the last time I shall ever come into this House." He repeated the comment when speaking to the crowds outside. Ac¬cording to the rules of the House, a member must be present before action against him can be taken. When the PLP leader walked out before the House shook itself enough to act, he scotched any such attempt. Meanwhile, the Speaker made plans to consult the Attorney General to determine whether any civil action could be initiated against Pindling for smashing the Mace.
The Tribune reported all the details of the "Black Tuesday" events, but its opening sentence clearly indicated its opinion of the matter: "The dignity and honour of the House of Assembly were trampled upon this morning..."

Police continued the search for the staff of the Mace. If recovered, it could be sent air express to England for repairs. If not, a new stem would have to be ordered. In June 1960, the mace had been sent to England for repairs to its shaky head at a cost of £83; it was also re- gold plated—the first repairs since it was made in London in 1799 by Louis Panton and brought to the Bahamas in 1800.
Thursday, April 29, Speaker Symonette approved the opening of a public fund to replace the Mace. The fund was sponsored by The Nassau Guardian with the approval of its general manager, Benson McDermott. The estimated cost of replacement was $1,000. "Make the new Mace a gift from the people to their House of Assembly," suggested the morning newspaper as it opened the fund with a donation of $25.
The Guardian also reported some reactions of the PLP to the whole incident. Pindling maintained that he felt the same way about it absolutely the same—as on "Black Tuesday". Paul Adderley, PLP representative for the Western District, strongly supported the action, even declaring, "As far as I am concerned, we did not go far enough; that's all I have to say about it"—a position he was to change when the PLP later decided to boycott Assembly meetings. With characteristic whimsicality, Randol Fawkes observed, "I thought throwing the Mace —the Speaker's symbol of authority—to the people, who in any democracy are the true source of political power, was rather poetic and humorous."
With only the UBP members left in the Assembly, a motion initiated by Speaker Symonette and agreed to by unanimous consent of the House gave the Speaker authority "to bring any necessary and appropriate action against Mr. L.O. Pindling, senior member for the South Central District of New Providence and Leader of the Opposition, as a result of such member throwing the mace out the window of the House; and also any such similar action against Mr. M. B. Butler, junior member for the Western District of New Providence, for moving the hour glasses off the Speaker's desk and throwing them out the window of the House." Surely, one would have to look far to find a comparable resolution in the annals of governments!
It was two years before Pindling again publicly referred to the Mace incident. Addressing the opening session of a yoga seminar in Nassau in February, 1967, on his personal political philosophy, Pindling said that the action was not done "in a fit of temper". If done in that frame of mind," he explained, "the entire demonstration of the day could not have been contained. It would not have been possible to ensure that events would remain peaceful from beginning to end." He challenged anyone to point to any single action or demonstration in which he had taken part where a single drop of blood had been spilled. But, he said, "Demonstrations are necessary to bring about desirable change."
The PLP agreed to boycott the sessions of the legislature until the boundaries question should be resolved in a more satisfactory manner. All PLP members observed the ban except Paul Adderley, Spurgeon Bethel, and Orville Turnquest. Censured by the party, these three later formed the National Democratic Party.
As promised by Pindling, the PLP was determined to lay its grievances before the United Nations, seeking to throw the spotlight of world scrutiny on the situation. As is evident from their statement of disagreement, the PLP was somewhat less than satisfied with the outcome of the Constitutional Conference of 1963. According to the new Constitution, Government hierarchy rearranged itself thus when that document went into effect in January 1964.

BLACK TUESDAY
Friday 27 April will mark the 36th anniversary of Black Tuesday, the Tuesday 27 April in 1965 when the late Sir Lynden O. Pindling, the founding Prime
Minister of The Bahamas, threw the Speaker's Mace out of the window of the House of Assembly. The Mace is the metal object that precedes the Speaker into Parliament as a symbol of the Speaker's authority. The protest by Sir Lynden was the culmination of a set of plans by the PLP's National General
Council, plotted by the National Committee for Positive Action (NCPA). The late Leader of the Opposition Sir Cecil Wallace Whitfield led the protest outside in the streets. Thousands gathered to support what was going on inside. Inside Sir Lynden told the House that the then governing white merchant oligarchy, known as the Bay Street Boys would not listen to the voice of the people and reason with regard to the Boundaries Commission report for that year
1965. The distribution of seats in favour of the Family Islands was not acceptable to the PLP when the majority of the population lived in New Providence.
Sir Lynden often described how afraid he was on that day. Some say that Sir Milo Butler, the late former Governor General kept urging Sir Lynden to go ahead or he would do it. Eventually Sir Lynden did, threw the Mace out of the Eastern window of the House where it fell in the streets below and was destroyed. Arthur Hanna, the former PLP Deputy Prime Minister who was in the House on that day says that someone brought the pieces to him and he buried them somewhere that he can't remember. Arthur Hanna, Paul Adderley, former Attorney General, Sir Orville Turnquest, now Governor General and
Cyril Stevenson former PLP MP are the only MPs of that era still alive. The PLP left the House and led a massive crowd to the Southern Recreation Grounds from Bay Street. The riot act was read commanding them in the name of the Queen to move from Bay Street. Conscious of the riot that happened in 1942, the
PLP led the crowd from Bay Street south. The name Black Tuesday is said to have been coined by Arthur Foulkes, former MP and now Ambassador. It is borrowed from the expression from the American usage for the day of the Wall Street crash in 1929. Sir Lynden said that the thousands that came out that day were not planned. It was spontaneous given the police and other excitement in the streets. But it was the height of his political career in Opposition and made him a legend in the minds of many. Sir Milo Butler, the people's champion, followed the Mace out the window with the Speaker's Hour Glass that was used to time the speeches of MPs. In those days, each speaker in the House was limited to 15 minutes. While the rule is still on the books, when the PLP came to power in 1967 they stopped enforcing it and it has not been enforced since. Paul Adderley, Orville Turnquest and the late Spurgeon Bethel, all PLP MPs at the time were not told of the PLP's planned action. They did not agree with the subsequent decision of the party to boycott the House after that. When they returned they were suspended from the party. They formed their own party the National Democratic Party. That party was defeated in the 1967 election.
The PLP won the government that year. The rest as they say is history.