Confucianism and the Korean Family Author(s): INSOOK HAN PARK and LEE-JAY CHO Source: Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 26, No. 1, FAMILIES IN ASIA : BELIEFS AND REALITIES (SPRING 1995), pp. 117-134 Published by: Dr. George Kurian Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41602370 . Accessed: 22/08/2013 02:40
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Confucianism

and the Korean

Family*

INSOOK HAN PARK** and LEE-JAYCHO*** INTRODUCTION and are part theadaptive of beliefs the culture evolvesover that Religious ideological time.The ethicsand valuesespousedby one religion a during particular periodand in a culture from thoseof another a and maydiffer specific imposing uniquesetof principles and rulesuponhuman activities. Thoseprinciples rules the of viduals, regulate behavior indi thefamily, thecommunity. Asia,namely and East with more than China,Korea,andJapan, of s over has a cultural one-quarter theworld' population, a longhistorical period constituted characterized theuse of Chineseand Confucianism. term The is Confucianism sphere by usedheretorefer thepopular valuesystem China,Korea,andJapan, of to which derived is the from synthesis thetraditional of cultural valuesespoused Confucius hisfollowers and by andsubsequently influenced elements Taoism,Legalism, of Buddism Mohism, and,in by the case ofKoreaandJapan, Shamanism. in Buddhism hadmajor has Although impacts East and Asia alongwith Taoisttraditions certain of Confucianism been has aspects Shamanism, in most influential shapingthe behaviorpattern and structure the familyand the of The is and cohesion Indeed, community. central pillarofConfucianism thefamily. family are as for the and continuity taken thefoundation sustaining human community thestate. One demographically of that uniquefeature theEast Asianpopulation is consistent with Confucian the valueis thepattern universal of and as marriage childbearing, evidenced and Chinesepopulations Southeast of by censusdata forChina,Korea,Japan, theethnic In Asia and elsewhere. thecountries East Asia (Çoale, Cho and Goldman1980 Cho, of in Arnold Kwon1982),' and there common are characteristics similarities thefunctions, and and of and and .structures, patterns the familyand community, these characteristics in similarities reflected government, are and institutions Hyung (Cho corporate, community 1983). * Many have us of this mention bemade Kim Wuel, must of Se people helped inthe preparation article. Special inthe from beginningwho and gathered who involved endeavour the was material able together wewere to in work, well assisting as innumerous ways. alsooweanenormous toMr. utilize the as other We debt whose and have very Kawarazaki mediating between Honolulu, Tokyo been important. role Sandra Seoul, Ward a marvelous copy-editing making suggestions did of article for and the alterations, job many contributing inimportant toits form. ways final ** Associate Professor ofSociology, ofPolitical Konkuk 93-1 Science, Department University,Mojin-Dong, of Seoul, Sungdong-Ku, RepublicKorea. *** Vice for 1 President East West 777 Hawaii Road, Program Development, Center, East-West Honolulu, 96848, U.S.A. Vol. No. XXVI, 1 (Spring 1995)

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118 1 Table

Journal Comparative of FamilyStudies BY 1991 POPULATION RELIGIOUS PREFERENCE KOREA, (%): Area Sex Rural areas 53.3 46.7 28.6 12.6 2.8 1.6 0.4 0.8 100.0 Males 53.2 46.8 24.0 15.8 4.8 1.3 0.3 0.6 100.0 Females 39.5 60.5 30.9 21.1 6.6 0.7 0.4 0.8 100.0 All Korea 46.0 54.0 28.7 18.6 5.7 1.0 0.3 0.8 100.0 Urban areas 43.5 56.6 27.2 20.6 6.8 0.7 0.3 0.7 100.0

belief Religious Noreligion All religions with religions Buddhism Christianity Catholicism Confucianism Buddhism Won Other Total : NSO Source (1991:300)

ModernKorea has a diversity religiousbeliefs,and variousreligions of coexist without conflicts (Choi Chang-Mou1989:71;Yoon Seung-Yong1990:309 significant the to on 31). According the1991National religious Survey KoreanReligion, twolargest are and and (24 (29 groups Buddhists percent) non-Catholic CatholicChristians percent); of population. remaining The Confucianism a religion practiced byonepercent the as is only affiliation 46 percent thosesurveyed of (NSO 1991:300)'. reported havingno religious (See Table 1.) the Koreahasa long-standing For religious heritage. thepasttwocenturies, valuesof have pervaded the if notConfucianism a formal as institution, Confucianism, religious in of consciousness Koreans(Yoo Seung-Kuk1973:77). These values can be observed ruler and subject, and suchas thosebetween Koreanhierarchical social relations, parent and child,and husband wife. the unit as Confucianism incorporating positsthefamily thefundamental ofsociety, of as of and economicfunctions production consumption well as the social functions and and education socialization, 1989). (Lee principles Kwang-Kyu by guided moral ethical ancestor deified has Initsteachings, Confucianism traditionally ancestors, institutionalizing master theheadofthemalelineage that to the of and is, worship, delegated duties ritual as In Confucianism be viewed a familial and tothefather husband. this religion, may respect as on haveplaced suchemphasis thefamily have the no cultures and it seemsthat other of cultures East Asia (Lee Kwang-Kyu Confucianist 1989). weregivennew of In Korea,thevaluesandtraditional system Confucianism family - 1910),although origins that of belief the thelateChosundynasty (1650 impetus during 1 Korean Economic BureauStatistics asNBS was BureauStatisticsdesignated (National of of Board), Planning EPB NSO 1991 name the 1991 November . InDecember the of institute to Board) changed (Economic Planning through asKIPH and was of Korean Statistical Similarly, Institute Office). PopulationHealth designated through (National Health and for Institute 1989 name the 1989. (Korean November InDecember the of institute toKHISA changed Social Affairs)

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and Confucianism theKoreanFamily

119

datebackto thehistorical socialconditions twomillennia and of before. ideal The system ofmalesuperiority within patrilineal the in becamemore family prominent thelateChosun than the Chosun (1392- 1650).The ruleof"three dynasty ithadbeenduring early dynasty - ofdaughters their obediences" to of husbands mothers their and to fathers, wivestotheir sonsinlater and an years was observed, thestem family begantobe considered idealtype. Theselaterdevelopments until prior industrialization. continued to just a thanConfucianism, introduced in was Buddhism, moreinstitutionalized religion Korea duringthe Early Kingdoms(A.D. 372) and adoptedas a state religionfora millennium (Lee Ki-Young 1973:37; Han Sang-Bum1981:10). Withits emphasison the rejecting worldlyvalues and concerns including family Buddhismdelivereda to that Confucianism. Buddhism's of But influence limited the was to messagecontrary of individual and discipline, it appealedprincipally the and to sphere self-enlightenment class because the majority people,who lived at a subsistence of level, had few ruling material to The and monasticism possessions renounce. self-abnegation antifamilial taught thusaffected few influenced that by Buddhism relatively in mostsocietiesstrongly by the in Moreover, (918-1392)Buddhist religion. during lateKoryo dynasty practices Korea becamecorrupt, and thuslosingtheir rituals, constructing extravagant temples observing philosophical appeal (Lee Ki-Young1973; Hong 1980). WhentheChosun in succeeded Koryo 1392,itadopted the Confucianism as dynasty thefamilial statephilosophy, and Buddhism. Confucian and suppressing principles rules wereextended all Koreansubjects to the (1650- 1910).Today during lateChosun dynasty Confucianism nota formal is in institution Koreabutrather code oflatent a ethics religious andvaluesthat profoundly has influenced society nearly millennia. the for two Thatis why, whenrespondents on taking partin theNationalSurvey KoreanReligionwereasked to their fewofthem to Confucianism. identify religion, thought mention In contrast Confucianism Buddhism, to and Protestantism, Christianity, specifically was introduced Korea recently from West arriving to and the withtheexpansionof to (Yoon Sung-Bum Europeanpowerand influence Asia in thelate nineteenth century the 1969). DuringJapan'scolonial rule of Korea (1910- 45) and during KoreanWar 2 Table Belief Religious Noreligion Allreligions Buddhism Christianity Catholicism Won Buddhism Cheondogyo Other (millions) Population 1962 90.3 9.7 2.6 2.8 2.2 0.2 1.8 26,513 IN CHANGES RELIGION KOREA, 1962-92 (%): 1964 87.2 12.8 3.4 2.9 2.7 2.2 1.4 28,000 1985 57.4 42.6 20.1 16.1 4.6 0.1 0.5 40,419 1991 46.0 54.0 27.9 18.6 5.7 0.2 0.6 43,268

Source (1991:300); Dong-Shik : NSO Yoo ofEducation 1) (1970:185); (1963:10-1 Ministry

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its was seriously (1950- 53), Korea's traditional culture, including religiousheritage, undermined. since the 1960s, withina single generation, Korea has been Moreover, transformed an agrarian an industrialized from to urban The adoption onlyof not society. Western scienceand technology, also Western but has playeda decisiverole in culture, aboutthistransformation. on bring Sweptintothecountry the tidesof westernization, andeconomic has Protestantism taken andexpanded root its industrialization, development, reach. in in Whereas belief declined someother industrialized has societies, Korea religious thenumber Protestant of churches Buddhist and has grown, has theproportion as temples of people professing witheveryreligious sect in recent affiliation years(Table 2). The in increase religious belief beenobserved thesociety, of has throughout regardless age,sex, andclass,sincethe1970s(Yoon Seung-Yong 1990:312 315). Although institutionalized in and Protestantism, been restored, has religion, particularly the formof Buddhism Korea. Confucian valuesand Shamanism continue existin contemporary to seemson thesurface, it Permissive dynamic thisdiversity value systems and as of thesexes,and social classes, chaos and intrinsic conflict between generations, signifies evenwithin individuals. it Koreansociety a wholefrom as Indeed, has prevented reaching that a consensus of thebasicsocialframe reference, is,familism (Yoon Seung-Yong beyond 1990:310;KeumJang-Tae 1989:190). In thefollowing sectionwe describesome of thechanges, perhapsnotuniqueto in on the that haveaccompanied processof industrializationthat Korea, society, focusing will the intheKoreanfamily. portraying Korean In the oftoday, discussion family changes the of it the contrast notonlywith family therecent family. pastbutalso with traditional

DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE KOREAN FAMILY characterized a "Morning as Korea was a hermit For severalcenturies, kingdom a Korea has experienced turbulent Calm" in theOrient. however, Duringthiscentury, a of an of war, occupation, international partition thecountry, majorcivil history foreign and dramatic economicdevelopment social change.The societyand war,ánd recently War from difficulties theendofWorld II in 1945 Koreaexperienced of great economy South after near its untilabout 1960. Its economy heavilyon U.S. aid, particularly depended of in destruction theKoreanWar(1950- 53). Butsincethe1960stheeconomy theSouth than annual ofmore rate at GNP grew anaverage an hasrecorded unprecedented expansion: 1 from 962 to 1986 (EPB Economic Five-Year the Planning periods during five percent eight rosefrom U.S. income of has 1987).Thestandard living improved per significantly: capital to has $87 in 1962 to U.S. $6,940 in 1992.The economic expansion beenattributed rapid labor. that industries dependon low-wage characterized export-led industrialization, by as and social changes Korea. haveexperienced suchrapideconomic Few countries of relocation the the accelerated regional of The industrialization the1960s,in particular, the A population. babyboomfollowed endoftheKoreanWar,andby 1960thepopulation

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Table 3 Statistic

and 121 Confucianism theKoreanFamily AND MAJOR DEMOGRAPHIC ECONOMIC STATISTICS: KOREA 1960-2020. 1960 25,012 28,0 £.0 2.97 55.3 1962 1970 1980 1990 2000 80.6 1.7 0.0 72.7 2020 50,193

Total (millions) population Urban population Per income (US$) capital TRF woman) (per Natural Increase (%) Rate Life (years) expectancy Mean ofpopulation age

87

31,435 37,407 43,500 41.1 57.3 74.0 3,942 4.2 2.8 1.7 1.57 0.97 0.75 63.2 65.8 70.8 24.0 26.1 29.7

75.9

Source (1990): (1991:64). : NBS NSO ofSouth Koreawas25 million to (Table3). By 1990ithadgrown 75 percent 43.5 million. by theyear2020, it is projected reach50 million, in only60 years. to thus By doubling has as number menandwomen of have Urbanization accelerated wellas anincreasing to cities.The urban has grown from percent thetotalin 1960to 28 of migrated population to 8 1990;bytheyear2000,itis projected reachnearly 1 percent (NSO 1991). 74percentin If one reckons from beginning Korea's industrializationthe1960s,thesefigures the of in indicate thatKorea has been transformed an agricultural an industrial from to economy within singlegeneration. a the has that Indeed, transformation beenso swift thegeneration can be said to havedividedtwodifferent Koreas.

FAMTLY STRUCTURE 4 Table Household All Korea household One-person Nuclear household family Stem household family Other Urban household One-person Nuclear household family Stem household family Other Rural household One-person Nuclear household family Stem household family Other 1955 3.2 63.5 30.7 2.5 5.2 73.4 19.6 1.8 2.6 60.3 34.4 2.7 1966 2.3 64.7 20.6 12.4 2.8 69.3 13.6 14.3 2.0 62.2 24.5 11.3 TYPE HOUSEHOLD (%):KOREA, 1955-90 1970 4.8 68.1 19.0 8.1 5.9 72.4 12.7 9.1 4.0 64.8 23.7 7.4 1975 4.2 67.7 11.9 16.2 4.5 70.5 7.6 17.4 3.9 64.9 16.2 15.0 1980 4.8 68.3 10.9 16.0 4.7 69.8 7,6 17.9 4.9 66.2 15.6 13.3 1985 6.9 68.8 10.2 14.1 6.8 70.0 7.7 15.5 7.2 66.4 15.1 11.3 1990 9.0 68.0 9.5 13.4 8.6 69.7 7.8 13.9 10.3 63.3 14.3 12.1

Kim Source : 1955-85: Nam-I Soon (1990:485); NSO(1992:34) and Choi 1990:

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Journal Comparative of FamilyStudies

the constituted Historical studiesindicatethatthenuclear(husband-wife) family thestemfamily becamethe theChosundynasty, offamilies although throughout majority In one childstaysinthe after middleChosunperiod. a stemfamily, married the idealtype in whichtheagingparents their and to home in contrast thepatriarchal family parental The and their and children and sometimes female, male, staytogether. spouses offspring The to remained ideal until prior Korea's industrialization. the stemfamily structure just was that characteristic thestemfamily onlyan ideal,however. of extended is family large, of to and common thefamily Theactualsize ofhouseholds themost registry theseventeenth exceededfour due to thehigh size onlyslightly theaveragehousehold persons century, nuclear families from 1955revealthat rate(Kim Du-Hun1969). Censusdatadating death the to industrialization; stem the constituted mostprevalent just type(63.5 percent) prior for of accounted only31 percent Korea families (1979b, (Table 4.) Choi Jae-Seul family thanthreefamilies weremoretwo-generation that there has reported nationally 1982a) constituted largest the three children with fewer than and families, households generation between ideal the thedisparity Jae-Seuk 1982a:79).Thus, (Choi (58.1 percent) proportion and untilKorea becameindustrialized thelife and actual family persisted composition prolonged. expectancy 5 Table Household 1955 AND INHOUSEHOLDS AVERAGE NUMBER GENERATIONS MEMBERS: 1955-90 OFHOUSEHOLD KOREA, 1960 1966 1970 4.8 6.8 70.0 22.1 1.1 5.2 5.9 9.2 75.4 14.9 0.5 4.9 4.0 5.0 66.0 27.4 1.6 5.5 1975 4.2 6.7 68.9 19.2 0.9 5.1 4.5 8.3 72.9 13.9 0.5 4.9 3.9 5.2 64.9 24.6 1.4 5.4 1980 4.8 8.3 68.5 16.5 0.5 1.5 4.5 4.7 9.0 71.4 12.7 0.3 1.9 4.4 4.9 7.2 64.3 21.8 0.9 0.9 4.7 1985 1990 6.9 9.6 67.0 14.4 0.4 1.7 4.1 6.8 9.4 69.8 11.8 0.2 2.0 4.0 7.2 9.9 61.4 19.6 0.8 1.1 4.2 9.0 10.4 66.3 12.2 0.3 1.5 3.8 8.6 9.6 69.4 10.6 0.2 1.6 3.8 10.3 14.1 57.2 16.2 0.6 1.1 3.8

All Korea 3.2 household One-person One generation Two generations Three generations Four generations relatives Not blood members ofhousehold Average Urban 5.2 household One-person One generation Two generations Three generations Four generations relatives Not blood ofhousehold members Average Rural 2.6 household One-person One generation Two generations Three generations Four generations relatives blood Not ofhousehold members Average

7.5 64.0 26.9 1.6

5.7 67.7 24.1 2.6 5.5 2.8 8.1 74.3 15.9 1.7 5.1 2.0 4.3 64.1 28.5 3.1 5.7

9.3 71.6 18.5 0.6

6.7 61.0 30.3 2.0

1990: NSO Source: 1955-85: (1991:294); NSO(1992:446)

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and Confucianism theKoreanFamily

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on family, Korea'sindustrial transformation hadprofound has effects the substantially families theproportion stemfamilies that patrilineal, of is, three-generation reducing inthecountryside started ownconjugal This left and their families. as children their parents of rural as trend made nuclearhouseholds has couplesmorecommon consisting elderly from percent only well.Between1955 and 1990 theshareof stemfamilies declined 31 to families risen of and had 10 percent all Koreanhouseholds, by 1990 theshareof nuclear between to 1966and 1990 theaverage size from percent 69 percent 64 (Table4). Moreover, from persons 3.8 persons to Andthedifference 5.5 oftheKoreanfamily shrank (Table 5). of areas has disappeared. The proportion in averagefamily size between urban and rural the rose households ofone andtwogenerations during industrialization period, consisting and households rose also from to of 71.5 percent 76.7 percent theproportion single-person of from3.2 percentto 9.0 percentwhile the proportion more thanthree-generation households declinedfrom of 28.5 percent 12.5 percent. in too of households ruralareas Noteworthy is therising proportion single-person and which higher that urban was than in areasin 1990,10.3 percent 8.6 percent respectively. are that areassingle-person households overrepresented Observations agereveal inurban by in are areasthey overrepresented olderpeople 30) byyoung by people(under whereas rural (over50). in in in structure be explained part changes suchdemographic can Changes family by and migration. variablesas age at marriage, Social and economic fertility, mortality, such as income and housing,also affectfamilystructure influencing conditions, by In trends. thefollowing sections first we describe relationship the between demographic and Korean family structure thendiscuss othercharacteristics Korean and of fertility that and customs havechanged sinceindustrialization inthemiddemography family began Most of thedata on thecharacteristics Koreanfamilies of come from 1950s. small-scale Data on fertili are at conducted varioustimesin selectedareas of thecountry. surveys availablefrom national a sampleand are collected monthly.

FERTILITY Korea has experienced of theworld'smostrapidfertility one declines.A massive was in of s family planning by government 1962 as part theSouth' first program launched the contributed to FiveYearEconomicPlan.The successofthat program greatly thedramatic in increase theprevalence contraceptive amongcurrently of use married womenof ages in in in ninepercent 1964to77.1 percent 1988 an almost ninefold 15- 44, from increase rate just 20 years(Choe andPark1988; Konget al. 1987). The totalfertility has dropped in 6.0 per precipitouslyfròm children womanin 1960 to 1.7 children 1990 (Coale, Cho, and Goldman1980; Choe andPark 1988; NSO 1991). the users to During early stagesofthefamily planning program, contraceptive tended be olderwomen, thosewith and with than education already largefamilies, women higher That is, theywere womenwho used contraception stopchildbearing nonusers. to after^ their desired size. In more recent the however, positive family years, reaching relationship

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Studies Journal Comparative of Family

or and has use between contraceptive andwomen'sage,parity, education becomeweaker In 1965,for ofwomenofreproductive the evenbeenreversed. ages example, proportions were21 and 14 percent, method whowerecurrently respectively, usinganycontraceptive in had to areasand inurban rural and areas.By 1985,theproportions risen 72 percent urban of in ruralareas (Choe and Park 1988; KIPH 1985). In 1967 theproportion 68 percent was while withno formal who wereusingcontraceptives 21 percent, education women it a (Moon, Han,andChoe 1973; amongthosewith highschooleducation was 32 percent with 70 of was reversed: percent women andByun1980).By 1985that Koh,Hahm, pattern of education and 67 percent womenwithhighschool educationwere using no formal in women as prevalent Koreaas was use By contraceptives. 1990,contraceptive bymarried or residence. oftheuser'seducation rural/urban inother industrialized countries, regardless from Koreanwomen'sacceptance that The dramatic declinein fertility has resulted The trend families. toward smaller on of contraception had majoreffects individual has from Korea's transformation a rural, has size, which accompanied society agrarian family members. industrial has led to newinteractions to an urbanized, one, amongfamily

CHANGES IN CONFUCIAN VALUES The Korean family (1392- 1910) was a patrilineal duringthe Chosun dynasty of the thatpredated introduction its institution, rootsgoing back to social conditions thefamily Ina Confucianist Confucianism sometwothousand family, patriarchal by years.2 and the familygroup is takes precedenceover its individualmembers as an entity members to is function family of with identified theclan.The mostimportant inseparably Confucian the within traditional and the maintain preserve household (Lee Hyo-Jae system is the 1960; Ko Yung-Bok 1967). Accordingly, centralfamilialrelationship not that and child,especiallybetween that and wife,butrather between between husband parent are members nothorizontal between the and father son.Moreover, relationships family - but verticalfilialpietycharacterized thatis, based on mutuallove and equality by rests with the (male) head of the and benevolence, authority, obedience. Authority members. in existamongtheother and household, differences status family and husband wife between the the relationship During Chosundynasty hierarchical the tothe between king families. wasequated It in observed Korean was strictly relationship A wife would sacrificeherself and son. and his subjectsand to thatbetweenfather not manner. was taught to She in and to completely serveherhusband family an exemplary "Homes thusarosetheKoreanmaxim, on herhusband; life her force viewsaboutfamily whenthehencrows." perish with In into were Theseunequal relationships written thelawsofthestate. accordance andson, to was a woman required obeyherfather, husband, ruleofthethree the obediences, 2 Family for ceremonies funerals ancestral compiledKu-zun of of marriage, and rules the by worship comingage, the part toKorea introduced during last ofKoryo (958(1368-1644), (1420-95) the Ming during Chinese Dynasty observed but from early of Chosun (1392-1650) widely rules prescribed the part the These were dynasty 1392). rules the asfamily by general since latter of Chosun ( 1 1910). were loiown They also period650public the part the were whose 1130-1200) doctrines adopted. Rules asthe Family ofChu-Tzu

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and Confucianism theKoreanFamily

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in that order. She livedin constant ofdivorce desertion fear and under rulethat a defined for sevenvicesconsidered be validreasons divorce thehusband butnotbythewife. to by Those vices weredisobedience thehusband's to to parents, failing bear a son,adultery, If a harmful malicious andtheft. a wifeboreno son, disease, jealousy,contracting gossip, A the itwas common thecoupletoadoptone orfor husband keepa concubine. crime for to in committed a wifeagainstherhusbandwas punishable the same way as a crime by his committed a sonagainst father bya slaveagainst master or his (ChoiJae-Seuk 1982a). by Whena husband his wifeand son had to observe mourning a died; periodofthree years. Underthissystem severediscrimination, of womenof theChosundynasty were confined home.In a yangbon to an woman was prohibited from (noble)family, unmarried toanymenexcept close malerelatives, after and shewas prohibited from talking marrying outdoors without from husband her Jae-Seuk Nevertheless, (Choi 1982a). going permission of the at with children not Just was hopeless. as women position women, leastthose occupied a subordinate in to children weresubordinate their to and position relation men, parents were to mother well as their father. their as required revere These Confucian of whichwereprojected intothe principles family relationships, and national and givenimportant life social value,areperhaps remote as and community to someoftheyounger ofKoreans as they toWesterners. are The strange generation today Koreanfamily the in as however, portrayed textbooks during premodern period, published afterliberation 1945, remained in Confucianas an ideal and in practice. essentially even after Koreanfamily emphasized importance blood law the of Moreover, liberation, relations theauthority themale household and of head(Choi Jae-Seuk 1964). The processofchangein Confucian valuesandideology, manifested thedaily in as livesofordinary was studied Lee Hyo-Jae et Koreans, 1960) andKo Hwang-Gyung al. by focusedon traditional values such as attitudes toward family the (1963). Theirresearch and between and and husband 'vife. and Their system relationships parent children between which toclarify modernization the within Koreanfamily the and studies, attempted process reflected in interest Korea's social andeconomicmodernization, indicated contemporary thattraditional Confucian values continued be thedominant to influence theKorean on until onsetof-industrialization Jae-Seuk the Cha Jae-Soon1978). (Choi 1989; family 6 Table Opinion Children obey should on situation Depends the Parents dowhat children should their want Other Numbers Source (1990:962). : Park Studiesconducted after 1980 comparing attitudes survey of with respondents those in found theearlier studies revealtheextent which to in havechanged valuesandpractices OPINIONS WHETHER ABOUT CHILDREN OBEY THEIR SHOULD PARENTS (%): KOREA AND1990 1959 1959 43.2 50.7 5.4 07 702 1990 18.7 62.4 18.9 0 402

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has that Won(1981),for Lee and families. Dongboth urban гига!Korean example, reported a even 60 wouldnotadopt childorkeepa concubine almost percent respondents they of said in with their children is the ifthey no children. had Moreover, parents' authority disputes whosaid that to theproportion respondents a 1990survey of no longer (Park) axiomatic; with 45.5 percent the of was shouldobeytheir children compared parents only18 percent who et toa 1959survey Hwang-Gyung al. 1963); theproportion said that (Ко respondents with5.4 to own wisheswas 18.9 percent children shouldact according their compared in 1959 (Table 6)(Park1990). percent 7 Table Attitude not Succession necessary Successiondaughters okay by a for tohave concubine Okay husband orothers Would son blood adopt from relatives Other Numbers Park Source: (1990:962). line the of sons Thevalueofchildren especially - as a means continuing family has In of sincetheindustrializationKorean Koreans rural declined society. substantially among didnotneedchildren that of some41.7 percent thesurvey 1990, reported they respondents in whereas Ko' s the couldprovide necessary or tosucceedthem that succession, daughters theseviews(Table 7). 22.6 percent therespondents of 1959 survey expressèd only FAMILY IF LINEAGE PARENTS ABOUT CONTINUING ATTITUDES HAD SON(%):KOREA AND1990. NO 1959 1959 14.3 8.3 43.4 33.2 0.6 1,525 1990 25.9 15.8 23.5 34.3 0.5 141

WOMEN'S STATUS that found SouthKorea's Mostofthestudies doneinthe1960son theKorean family or the had and economicdevelopment urbanization notimproved social, political, rapid and obviousgains theyhad made in education statusof women.Despite certain legal and within family the of in laborforce, notion malesuperiority the persisted participationthe was Jon thesociety 1989).The father boss 1960; (Lee Hyo-Jae Byo 1980ng-Je throughout in over Sons hadpriority daughters receiving assistant. food, his and themother obedient and education. clothing, found sex toward rolesintheKoreanfamily on Park(1990) in herresearch attitudes women's even though is of male superiority stillprevalent, thatthetraditional concept Yu in and has social position improved their participation social lifehas increased. Euibehindmales in post middle thatfemaleslaggedsignificantly Young (1987) reported of sexes.The proportion boys both has schooleducation, although progress beenmadefor in from percent 1966to74 percent 35 inhigh school(grades10 12) hadincreased enrolled for ratios Enrollment to 20 from percent 62 percent. for in 1980,whereas girlsithadrisen sexessince1945. Tenyears for both havealso risen thecollege-age significantly population

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of the after of between ages liberation, 7.9 percent themenand 1.3 percent thewomen only had of 19 and 24 wereattending 1980,theproportions risento 14.7 and 7.9 college.By respectively. does nottellthewholestory. Laborforce statistics dataon and however, Education, from other sources revealthat Koreanwomen women'slaborforce stillhave participation for middle- upper-class and a longwayto go in their women with struggle equality. Many are inactive homeafter at often their wishes(Yu Euimarriage, collegedegrees against mostworking womentakejobs outof economicnecessity, their Young 1987). Although work status does notnecessarily affect male-dominant the of structure thefamily. authority Intheworkplace, in them hiring, andpromotion remain discriminatory against practices pay few reachsupervisory, or administrative Eui-Young strong: managerial, positions(Yu women expected retire are from to 1987;Cho Hyung 1983,1989).Uponmarrying, working mostcorporate-sector jobs. The gap between averagemonthly the wage of male and femaleworkers actually widened the1970s.According a survey workers to of with10 or during employed firms by to in moreemployees, ratioof female malewagesfellfrom the 46.5 percent 1970 to 44.4 in 1980 (Cho Hyung1987,1989). percent Womenarethemajorsource(75.8 percent), unpaidfamily of work farms in on and factories tocensusdata,overthetwodecadesbetween (Cho Hyung1989). According city in 1960and 1980,thepercentage females theKorean of laborforce 27.1 percent from grew to 36.6 percent. Cho Hyungfound, that 42.9 percent working of womenwere however, whereas wereemployers. Almost80 percent of laborers, unpaidfamily only1.6 percent in female workers wereemployed agriculture. thesexualdivision laborhas of Thus, unpaid mostruralwomencontinue workas to changedlittlesince Korea began to modernize: laborers farms owned their on families managed themen.Although and unpaid by family by in morerural women havebeeninvolved a wider of in activities recent variety production totherural laborshortage thehigh and demanded males, their status years, owing wages by as family workers notimproved. has industrialization urbanization led and have Thus,rapid in toimprovementswomen'seducation laborforce and havenot rate, participation butthey altered economic the status Koreanwomen their of or economicrolein the fundamentally family. MARRIAGEAND DIVORCE DuringtheThreeKingdoms periodand the Koryoperiod(57 B.C.- A.D. 1392), into with of ownchoiceamongcommoners. couplesentered freely marriage partners their In contrast, the rules were imposedon marriage strict and the during Chosundynasty All of were the selection partners. marriage four arranged, process involving rites prescribed in theMungung karaeinitial between fathers thepartners, of discussion the submission of themarriage the of of the bride, proposalfrom father theson to thefather theprospective of from prospective the to and of bride, thegreeting the offering gifts groom theprospective The bride her bride groom and werenotconsidered by betrothed. wishesoftheprospective intheprocess. the wereforbidden between relatives the Moreover, marriages having same

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between between upperclass and commoners, the nameand thesame domicile, family releasedfrom court, with the and between officials girlsor women and different factions, outside s ownclasswasall butimpossible one' the of (Choi Thus, offspring traitors. marriage Ют Young-Chung Jae-Seuk 1979,NAS 1989). 1971,1974b, 1982b; in cases.Divorcecases were Divorcewasrarely and only unavoidable permitted, then of to custom weighing seven the but nottoa legalproceeding rather theConfucian subject menwereallowedto married. three reasons divorce reasons remaining for for Only against in and for Chosundynasty, the husband'sprerogative seeking petition divorceduring for all was whereas wife'sinterest notconsidered. the divorce honored was Except theft, of of order and wererelated themaintenance family to for divorce thesevenreasons allowing the Jaeof Thus was maleauthority. divorce a means protecting feudal (Choi family system Seuk 1979b). and majorchanges. marriage divorcehave undergone Today customsgoverning number parents of inparks streets, a declining and and women menmingle and freely Young Park1990). Amongyoung children choosematesfortheir (Lee Dong-Won1981; people, In of more common. a 1982case study 55 married is before cohabitation marriage becoming had that of of in women a poorneighborhood Seoul,Cho OaK-Le ( 1987) learned many them mostof them outofeconomicnecessity. a without formal cohabited Eventually wedding are Children sometimes in their children caseswith hada marriage present. ceremony, many for husbands wives can notsue their in factor such marriages. a stabilizing Moreover, the for all withvirtually responsibility rearing are burdened divorce.Yet, although they in to children's children, haveno legal right their custody theeventofdivorce. they in household as behavioral composition, changes wellas changes urban Despitethese of the toward selection spousesfor of attitudes urban andfamily size, parents family type, more 1981.Although 1958and1980(Lee dong-Won between their children hardly changed to children still mostparents expecttheir and aboutdating courtship practices, permissive before seektheir marrying. permission 8 Table ARRANGEMENTS MARRIAGE TOWARD PARENTS* ATTITUDES 1990 1959 THEIR CHILDREN KOREA AND FOR (%): Sons Who decides arrangements? marriage Parents absolutely later Parents children first, later Children parents first, Children absolutely Numbers : Park Sources (1990:966-967) in conducted 1990 (Park 1990),which a to In contrast theseurbanfindings, study that et al. 1963) a rural area,found parents' the (Ko-Hwang-Gyung replicated 1959 study In children. the1959 fortheir decisivein marriage no longer were arrangements opinions 1959 20.9 58.5 12.4 8.2 1,509 1990 2.7 18.2 54.5 24.6 402 Daughters 1959 28.3 60.5 . 6.5 4.7 1,505 1990 3.2 18.4 53.5 24.9 402

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79.4 of that ownopinion stated their was moreimportant their than survey, percent parents sons' opinions;only20.6 percent said thattheir sons opinionsweremoreimportant. By of interviewed that sons' opinions were 1990,some79. 1 percent rural parents thought their moreimportant. importance daughter" The of s opinions to compared parents' opinionin incase ofdaughters. 1990,some children's showed more a marked arrangements change By 78.4 percent rural of stated their that In weremoreimportant. parents daughters' opinions in theproportion only11.2 percent the1959 survey was contrast, (Table 8). wives can now sue their husbands divorce.Yet, although for Moreover, theyare with all responsibility rearing children, haveno legalright burdened for the virtually they in to their children's custody theeventofdivorce. SON PREFERENCE Son preference remains deeplyentrenched a value.According a 1971nationwide to et than percent Korean 90 of women sons survey (Chung al. 1972),more prefer todaughters, andnothaving sonis a sourceofsevere a emotional strain women. sonis essential for A for in statuswithin family, economicsupport old age, and forproviding the for a securing successor thefamily for 1972;Arnold however, 1985).In recent lineage(Williamson years, thevalue of children son has including preference beenchanging slowly. INHERITANCE the the of of tance During Chosun dynasty principle equaldistributioninheri regardless in of birth order sex, stated theKyungguk or (GreatCode of theChosun),was not taejun observed had (Kim Young-Chung 1979;Choi Jae-Seuk 1972).Because women no strictly to inherit position headof thehousehold, the of often outin theinheritance lost right they ofproperty. shareof inheritance to unmarried The was due. daughters alwaysgivento the whowouldpayfor daughters' eldest the when In weremarried. practice, son, weddings they weregiven share thefamily women a of atthetime their of but then, property marriage, they in werenotconsidered theinheritance their and was muchsmaller thanthesons' portion This practice thesame as theinheritance share. of the system China continued during ofKorea(Choi Jae-Seuk until women'sright 1972).Indeed, Japanese occupation recently, ofinheritance notreeognized their was or sharewas much smaller than men'sevenwhen the wasrecognized. basicKorean concerning The law inheritance states properties that right thespouseandthechildren aretobe distributed ofsex.Butinfact equallyamong regardless the son one-half more than others, when eldest received the and were daughters married they received one-fourth theother of share. children's A law reenacted 1991,however, in that is provides ifthere no will,thespouseofthe deceasedis toreceive one-half theproperty theother is tobe distributed of and half equally the of A sex willtakes status. property executed among children regardless their ormarital over the law, however. Data are not available on how inherited assets are precedence dividedin mostKoreanfamilies. Withwomen'slimited economicactivity, the currently newinheritance which womeneconomicindependence, shouldhavemajor system, gives social and economicimplications.

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130

Journal Comparative Studies Family of POWER AND ROLE DIFFERENTATION

structure focusedon theeffects of Most studies changesin Koreanfamily of have nuclear with stem and rural with urban families, industrialization, families, wifecomparing in The male-dominated families. structure authority employedwithwife-unemployed traditional Korean families,which prevailedin ruralareas even in the 1960s, also in Seoul andTaegu,until1960(Choi characterized structure thecities, family specifically in and Jae-Seuk1979a, 1982a). By thelate 1960s,roledifferentiation authority modern basedonfamily wife'semployment, households showed nuclear variations, only type, slight the divisionof labor and thepresence a maid in thehome;butin general traditional of the between sexespersisted 1976;Lee Han1976;Cha 1978;Yu si-Jeong (Lee Dong-Won of that wivesperformed percent the 63.8 Gi 1977).Choi Jaè-Seuk (1982a) reported urban fewer whereas of of and 61.8 percent thelaundry 53.9 percent thebed-making, cooking, tasks.The restwereperformed than1 percent husbands of shared or laundry by cooking housemaids. the In contrast therapid to economy changes placeoutside homeintheKorean taking valuesandrolespersisted. within family the Confucian andsociety, traditional Nevertheless, and form the on evolvedinto nuclear as thefamily structure centering thehusband gradually became a and as morewomentookjobs outsidethe home and women's rights wife, the structure issue,thefamily's type beganto changefrom husband-dominated prominent of The functional structure thefamily to a husband wifetype. beganto changeas well, the As to or the Confucian from traditional type. for decisiontype a more less cooperative thereis some evidence thatit is becomingmore withinthe family, makingpattern and as Koreansocietybecomesmoreurbanized and democratic less role-differentiated nuclearized. that in Polls 1987) found wivesperformed One study conducted 1985(KoreanSurvey and suchas cooking, of chores than percent household 80 more laundry, grocery shopping, more tasks than wivesperformed household The study found Korean that also dishwashing. that wives.It is noteworthy Japanese than countries fewer but wivesin Western Japanese weretoWestern than similar one another they to andKoreanwivesweremore wives,who a in as matters purchasing with their husbands suchfamily decisionmaking joint reported and children wouldhave,children's howmany education, income home, management. they as a and Japanese Koreanwivesreported lowerlevelofjointdecisionmaking, wellas less in involvement but also reported in involvement making decisions, they higher important household management.

KINSHIP functions kinin dailylife thatis, of of In a majority farm villages,thepractical - weretraditionally relatives. assumedbythefather's and cooperation mutual assistance the at areas,for oldergeneration Untilthelate 1960sthetendency continued, leastin rural than kin the and theyangban(noble) class to consider father's as moreimportant the or shared theyounger is Thistraditional mother's. view,however, no longer generation by class (Choi Jae-Seuk thecommoner 1971,1974b).

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and Confucianism theKoreanFamily

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the seventeenth Until early Korean a families maintainedkinship that century, system did notdistinguish betweenpaternal and maternal But a changein favorof decedents. descendants occurred the and paternal during middleperiodof theChosundynasty, this to honoronly paternal descendants became moreprevalent tendency duringthe later withtheexpansion linkages of and improved ties dynasty organization amongpatrilineal tradition ancestral of continues (Choi Jae-Seuk1979b). The Confucian worship today, in kin on areas,buttheemphasis honoring thefather's has weakened especially rural only theyounger in It common among generation, especially thecities. is becoming increasingly to honor kinofbothparents. the The deeplyrooted accordedto patrilineal succession remains dominant, preference and there seemsto be a limit thetendency to toward bilateral relations (Lee Hyokinship Jae1960;ChoiJae-Seuk of households maintained are 1975b).Regardless whether separate for parents theeldestson,, relationship the and the between andchildren basedon is parents mutual reliance mostchildren torejoin and their whentheparents becometoo plan parents old to careforthemselves. This trend that indicates although has industrialization caused urban families evolveintothenuclear to and children depend still type, parents their grown on one another a great in to to nuclear families. Therearesigns, extent, contrast European inurban that areasfamily andtheimportance ties attached kinship gradually to are however, weakening.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Forseveral centuries Koreawas a hermit in closedtotheoutside kingdom theOrient, world. the it decades,however* hasundergone During pastthree majorsocialandeconomic and urbanization, unprecedented economicexpansion changes.Rapid industrialization, sincethe1960s.Thegrossnational haveoccurred at annual (GNP) grew an average product rateof morethan percent 8 1962 86 (EPB 1987). An agrarian has been during economy economic base characterized export-led industries depend that replaced an industrial by by on a comparative advantagein low-wagelabor as a resultof massive rural-to-urban Whereas about one-fourth the of population the of South in resided cities 1955, in migration. moreSouthKoreanslive in citiesthan live in towns and villages. today the economic has eliminated. Alongwith rapid development, illiteracy beenvirtually Most Koreanscomplete nineyearsof formal and continue education, many through high school (33.2 percent) and college (14 percent) educatedclass (NSO 1991). A modern dominates economy the and thesociety. The traditional class system, based on ascribed based primarily income, on status,has given way to a modernstratification system and occupation, education. Notableamongthesechanges an evolution is from traditional the stemfamily the to nuclear from households one-and to is, family that a transition three-and four-generation households from and in rural urban and areas. two-generation largeto smallfamilies both Forexample, in had size,which 1960was 5.6 percent, shrunk 1990to3.8 average family by (NSO 1991). percent

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in successful countries reducing to believed be oneofthemost SouthKoreais widely 6.0 The rate itsleveloffertility. totalfertility fellfrom children womanin 1960to 1.7 per Withhigher effect individual on families. by 1990. This declinehas had a tremendous of thus thequality thesecondgeneration incomeandfewer (Park,1992). children, raising the moreand morefarm families, family group, traditionally predominant Consequently, sector. intotheurban industrial are moving Korean families and economic, demographic, socialchanges, sweeping Despitethese inherited from their Confucian characteristics stilldisplay past.Mostof strong.patriarchal valuesandbehavior suchas Lee Hyo-Jae on thestudies family 1960;Ko Yung-Bok1967; the havenotbeen in that changes et Ko Hwang-Gyung al. 1962conducted the1960snoted and for social,political, legal status women.Despiteobvious by accompanied improved the gains made by women in educationand economicparticipation, notionof male The is within family thesociety. father bossandthemother the and still superiority persists in and over daughters meals,clothing, sons takeprecedence is his obedient assistant; of the valuesemphasize importance sons,andsonpreference Traditional education. family value. a remains deeplyentrenched of of In thetraditional (1392- 1910),thedivision family thelastdynasty patriarchal for and madeall decisions hadprimary laborwas basedon sex.The husband responsibility while the wife occupied herself the family'seconomic well-being, exclusivelywith in indicate thewife'sinvolvement that chores. Recentstudies and childrearing household to decisionmakinghas increasedbut is still subordinate thatof the husband, family in matters. particularly financial Korean exposureto Westerninfluence, science, including Duringthis century, ofthe a has andrationalism, played decisiveroleinthetransformation country technology, to froman agricultural a modernindustrialized society.Despite these changes,the as is influence theKoreanfamily stillstrong, evidencedby thepersistent on Confucian and and status role,son preference, strong husband's deference wivesto their kinship by or households not,the eldestson maintain and their bonds.Whether separate parents remains children and their between strong, beingbased on mutual parents relationship old when parents the their children tolivewith andmany grow reliance, parents plan grown of influence Confucian and The ethics valuesespousedbythetraditional andrequire help. thepastare changing slowly. in and ofthe of In Koreatoday, a result therapidtransformation economy society as valuesandtheConfucian traditional between tobe a conflict recent decades,there appears on and economic socialchanges the influence and on one through heritage the hand Western and men and out is Thatconflict being other. parents children, andwomen, played between to as and subordinates theyattempt apply,dependingon theirviewpoint, superiors in Confucianvalues or modernegalitarian traditional principles in the family, the deal of a is This diversity generating great actionsas individuals. and in their workplace, in and social harmony consensus Koreansociety. and tension threatens

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and Confucianism theKoreanFamily REFERENCES

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