Christian Rosales
SRI Outline
Jaya S.

Sudan, as the largest country in Africa has been involved in internal conflicts since the independence of 1956. Recently, the conflicts have been most prevalent in the western region of Sudan known as Darfur. The conflicts in Darfur revolved around a myriad of levels of complexities including that of the international level with terms that western countries define as genocidal. The origins of the genocidal views pertain to the rising internal tensions that have caused a civil dispute between the north and the south. Meanwhile, the Islamist National Front (NIF), a powerful political party lead by Omar Hassan al-Bashir, took advantage of the Sudanese political instability to rise into power and reform governmental policies in Sudan. Since the ruling of al-Bashir many Sudanese people have become frustrated with rising levels of poverty, humanitarian reform, lack of representation within the government, and support for the pro government militia known as the Janaweed. Rising oppositions of the al-Bashir totalitarian regime became victims of a brutal genocidal act enforced by the president of Sudan. Consequently, the issue has captured the attention of the UN and pro-western democracy countries around the world. Over the course of history there has been a sudden increase in international influence and responsibilities on the major countries that represent a unified regime. Western influence has spread to become the main source of influence in the world; however rising economic influence has allowed China, an anti -western humanitarian policy advocate, to become an influential country. China's paradoxical humanitarian intervention policy has allowed China’s intervention policy in Darfur to evolve to become more flexible despite ingrained national sovereignty values. Therefore China has taken a greater responsibility as a permanent member of the UNSC and can be defined as a rule maker in the international pool of influential countries.
Over the years, China has intertwined a paradoxical humanitarian intervention policy with an anti-western image that has allowed the intervention policy in Darfur to become flexible. China, as the anti-western nationalist country, opposes intervention in developing countries under a state of crisis because the country delegates believe in state sovereign rights and the negative consequences of western intervention. In “China in Darfur: humanitarian rule-maker or rule-taker?” Lai-ha Chan articulates China’s view that the “purposes within territory of a sovereign state cannot be made without the latters consent, that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the target state must be duly respect”. China believes that by respecting the other countries sovereignty they can work their way around humanitarian intervention (Initial policy cite). Because China opposes intervention in developing countries, but wants to benefit from oil in such countries, Chinas has formulated a loophole to get Sudanese oil. Lai-ha Chan illustrates that “Chinas no longer offers financial incentive to its companies to invest in Sudan” but instead “China has been pragmatically mending fence with Juba and exploring with the Kenya Pipeline Corporation to build a pipeline that would deliver Southern Sudanese oil” (432). Despite their initial intentions to remain advocates as a non-intervention country, China has become involved within the countries to benefit economically.

Moreover, “China since 1961 has become more flexible and pragmatic towards UN peacekeeping” resulting in behavior that “can be defined as paradoxical” (433). China no longer isolates itself from western powers and therefore sends peacekeeping forces to various conflict ridden countries. In fact, China has changed their humanitarian intervention policies to represent the greater majority in helping other countries over democratic western countries. Likewise, in BBC news “Darfur-China’s secret war” video documentary, China’s paradoxical intervention policy in developing countries is portrayed through the journalistic evidence of Chinese manufactured weapons in the hands of Darfur’s pro government militia. The weapons exchange in Darfur highlights the Chinese thirst for oil as a cause of a sign letter calling for a deuce in Darfur. Even though China openly opposes intervention, China has violated UN embargos that prohibits foreign services in Darfur to construct an agreement for oil that will serve well for China’s prosperous economy. Consequently, violence between the Jem rebels and the Sudanese government has risen; causing further governmental instability within the country.

As a result of a rising economy and influence as a non-western presence, China has gained influence in international affairs by creating a new form of humanitarian intervention policy. Chan confirms that “Daniel Blumenthial, a former US defense official, has noted, as China grows more powerful it desires to change international rules” which has led China to address “core interests, particularly those related to its national integration and state building integration” (441-442). China is determined to emerge as a global leader in influencing humanitarian intervention policy in the UN. In other words, China’s increasing presence as a global economic power is forcing China to pursue a more interventionist policy. Although China and other developing countries have not been socialized into humanitarian intervention, china is changing its position on intervention by putting forth new rules and exceptions. While western countries fear confrontation with China, China continues to make rules when necessary to benefit as a non-western presence. Despite the fact that oil seems a major factor for the sudden Chinese intervention in Darfur, international image and advocacy for state sovereignty play a key role in intervention policies adapted by China. In Table 1 Chan depicts China’s oil reserves in coherence with the country of origin. Sudan, as 6.32 % of China’s total oil reserves, “is not and will not be a significant player in international oil politics” (431). In addition, China’s NOCs “do not always put the national interest of energy security above their corporate interests” because they often sell most of their equity oil to the highest bidder for the commodity which is Japan. Even if China were to bring home all the oil form Sudan, it would still not resolve the problem of the energy shortage in China.

China’s refusal to succumb into western humanitarian policies allows China to maintain an anti-western identity. Developing countries in Africa will negotiate with China because they are not a western “imperialist” power; giving China an important role as a global influence. Stimulated by a fast growing global economy “China has to under certain circumstances, intervene in the internal affairs of other states where and when the interests of its companies and citizens are at stake” (441). Since China has become accountable of influencing developing countries through their intervention policy, China has the obligation to alter its international affair policies to address issues concerning the people of China. In addition, China is “under US pressure to play the role of a ‘responsible stakeholder’ in the global society” which means that China can manipulate global stability through its role as an anti-western influence in developing countries like Darfur (441). Consequently, China has evolved to become a major influence in the global stage of the world by not only becoming a rule maker, but an anti-western representative in the scale of global stability.