Running head: RACIALIZED REPRESENTATIONS OF FEMALE BEAUTY

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Racialized Representations of Female Beauty in Popular Culture (Name) University of New Mexico

RACIALIZED REPRESENTATIONS OF FEMALE BEAUTY Racialized Representations of Female Beauty in Popular Culture

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For the past 22 years People magazine has composed a list of the 50 most beautiful people. The list typically includes movie and television stars, musicians, British royalty, models, and television personalities. Every year the magazine crowns the year’s “most beautiful” and features them on the cover. Of the 22 most beautiful 19 have been women and out of the 19 women 16 have been White. This signals to People’s readers that beautiful means White and everything else does not equate beauty. However, this is not unique to People or even magazines like it, but instead represents a larger trend that is present in all forms of Western popular culture. In the various mediums of popular culture, ideologies about female beauty are exceedingly prevalent and constantly managed and reproduced. These ideologies carry with them the notion that in order to obtain ideal female beauty one must be very thin, young, have long hair, and wear expensive or revealing clothing (Stern, 2004). In addition to this there is also a raced definition of beauty, which predominates Western popular culture and dictates that White women with light hair and eye color can only attain true beauty. By looking closely at fashion magazines, television shows, movies and advertisements it is easy to see how Asian, Black and Latina women are underrepresented and misrepresented; and more importantly beauty is not typically associated with these and other nonwhite races. The power and importance of popular culture in today’s society has further supported beauty ideologies that are racialized. Feminist and cultural scholars have often studied and critiqued representations of women and beauty in popular culture, however such examinations can be somewhat limiting if these representations are only looked at through a gendered lens. All women should not be simply treated as one homogenous group when considering beauty representations (Sengupta, 2006). As

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a result of marginalized races still being stereotyped and underrepresented in the realms of popular culture, one must consider how images of ideal beauty contribute and support such limited representations of nonwhite races. Additionally, gender and race are two very related identities that undoubtedly intersect in daily lives as well as in popular culture, so considering them together is of great importance when considering standards of beauty (Lind, 2004). Overall, examining racialized representations of female beauty norms in popular culture is significant because what is valued as beautiful in the society is an important indictor of what is generally valued in society as a whole. It also shows how popular culture’s construction of race is pervasive and prevailing in all cultural industries. The purpose of this paper is to look critically at how beauty norms and standards have become a raced concept in Western popular culture. It will attempt to show how various forms of popular culture misrepresent or under-represent women of color when portraying what it means to be beautiful. Secondly, there will be some emphasis put on how dominant White ideologies of beauty affect young women of color and their self-esteem or self-concept. In what follows will be an assessment of five peer-reviewed scholarly articles that help to support and elaborate on the purpose stated above. Each article will be summarized and then critiqued. The various articles included look at distinct ways women of color are mis-or-underrepresented in mediums of popular culture that promote beauty. Additionally, some of the articles examine how adolescent women of color, such as Asian and Latina Americans, assess their own physical appearance in response to the media representations of beauty. Finally, the paper will conclude with an emphasis placed on how well the articles presented supported and explained the paper’s purpose, and what future research should take an interest in.

RACIALIZED REPRESENTATIONS OF FEMALE BEAUTY Article One Summary:

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In the article “Reading Representations of Black, East Asian and White Women in Magazines for Adolescent Girls,” the author used textual analysis of three fashion magazines aimed at adolescent girls to determine how different races were represented in relation to beauty. The results of the analysis aligned well with pervious research. When it came to importance of the models in individual advertisements White models were almost always featured as the major figure while Black women were typical minor figures, and East Asian women were always in the background (Sengupta, 2006). The presence of Asian women in background positions was congruent with the idea that Asians are considered outsiders in non-Asian countries. In the case of these fashion magazines, Sengupta (2006) argues that it puts Asian women in a place where they are “stereotyped as socially different, or possibly unfeminine” (p. 805). This notion is further perpetuated in the correlation found between race of the model and product being advertised. Overwhelmingly White models were featured in more beauty product advertisements, Black women were mostly advertising clothing and East Asian women were used in technology advertisements (Sengupta, 2006). This supports the dominant ideologies of beauty that associate it with Whiteness, as well as reinforcing Black and Asian stereotypes. Clothing advertisements typically highlight and consequently objectify the female body, and for Black women this focus on the body aligns with stereotypical views of Black women as hypersexual and sexually deviant (Sengupta, 2006). Similarly, East Asian women featured in technology advertisements supports the stereotype that all Asians are tech savvy and well educated (Sengupta, 2006). This article and its arguments work well within this paper to give popular culture examples of how women of color are not associated with beauty ideals and are often misrepresented, underrepresented and shown in stereotypical ways.

RACIALIZED REPRESENTATIONS OF FEMALE BEAUTY Article One Critique:

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Though this article provides a strong foundation on how women of color are not equated with beauty in the same way white women are in fashion magazines, there are still some weaknesses within the article and its study. The foundation created from the article is a result of the findings of the contextual analysis, which found that marginalized women of color are underrepresented and stereotyped when used in representations of beauty. These findings establish a need for research that focuses on racialized representations of beauty in popular culture. The most pervasive weakness of the piece was how it so broadly put the models of the advertisements into racial categories. The author places the women into three broad races: White, Black and East Asian. By placing the women into such oversimplified categories it does not consider mixed race women, ethnic differences or how the model themselves would describe their race. A category such as East Asian is somewhat too general because within Eastern Asia there are multiple countries with distinctive characteristics, and a woman from Japan or South Korea may not identify with a broad label such as East Asian (Chen, 2004). This should be considered a weakness of the article because by broadly categorizing the women, the study is doing nothing different than the creators of the advertisements who put the women into stereotypical categories for the purpose of selling products. Article Two Summary: In a 2009 article scholar Ashley Mears examines racial exclusion within the modeling industry. Mears conducted an ethnographic study in which she attended model castings in New York City and London as well as carried out interviews with fashion “gatekeepers,” which included agents, bookers, and photographers. Mears concluded that the degree of racial exclusion in the modeling industry depended on the type of “look” that was needed, whether it

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was commercial or editorial. Commercial bookings tended to allow for more diversity among models in terms of body type, age and skin color (Mears, 2009). In contrast, editorial campaigns were very exclusive and typically only used very thin, young and White models. Mears (2009) argued that this difference was a result of class differences between the audience and consumers that each “look” was intended for. Article Two Critique: The Mears article illustrates how the modeling industry reinforces the notion that beauty ideals are typically equated with Whiteness in popular culture. Though commercial “looks” allow women of color to be featured more often, the more prestigious realm of editorial campaigns shy away from using nonwhite races, which signals that there are still forms of beauty that only White women are able to attain. The piece also strongly incorporates intersectionality into the White concept of beauty within the modeling industry. Ultimately, it was found that class was a major determinant of whether Black or Latina models were booked for certain jobs, specifically the class of the intended audience (Mears, 2009). Commercials jobs included more women of color because their audience was typically middle or working-class people, whereas editorial campaigns were aimed at the wealthy and elite (Mears, 2009). Therefore, because Blacks and Latina/os are often represented and authenticated by their poor to working-class status (Watts, 2005), their race inhibits them from being able to be hired for editorials where wealth is often implied. A weakness of Mears’ article is that it ultimately shifted blame onto various factions of the modeling industry instead of offering suggestions for future research or connecting modeling’s racial exclusion to larger exclusions in society and other mediums of popular culture. Mears appeared to shift blame onto the gatekeepers of the industry, while those people blamed

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fashion designers and fashion designers blamed the market. However, simply placing blame does not critically examine why only White models can be used for certain types of fashion campaigns or how this notion is socially constructed and accepted. Additionally, the study could have been stronger if Mears interviewed models as well to gain their perspective on racial exclusion and how it has or has not affected their careers. Overall, Mears’ article utilized intersectionality well but was weak in its conclusions because it focused too heavily on blame. Article Three Summary: Similarly to Mears, Elizabeth Wissinger also authored an article, which looked at the model industry and the presence of Black women within it. Not surprisingly, Wissinger found, through interviews with models and agencies, there were very limited opportunities for Black models in mainstream campaigns and runway shows. Additionally, Black models were expected to alter their appearance more often than White models, and these alterations were typically aimed at promoting more European traits (Wissinger, 2011). More light skinned Black models also booked more jobs than their darker skinned counterparts, especially for commercial bookings (Wissinger, 2011). Finally, Wissinger (2011) found that in many cases Black models were booked specifically for their race, but only for the purpose of performing Black stereotypes. For example, Blacks models are featured in jungle settings or embodying a hip-hop theme. Article Three Critique: Wissinger noted an important element to the racial concept of beauty, which is even when women of color are used to equate beauty it is done in stereotypical ways. As Lind (2004) contends stereotypes generalizes groups of people in order to make the world less complicated, however in doing so it constrains groups and makes it difficult for them to break away from stereotypical images. This explains why Black models are still used primarily in jungle or hip-

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hop settings as well as represented as hypersexual. Furthermore, stereotypical images are created and reproduced by elites in power, and typically favor those of the majority (Gorham, 2004). Therefore, those of marginalized races, not just Black models, will always be at a disadvantage while those in power, in most cases upper class white executives, promote their elitist agendas in the modeling world. Just as in the larger realm of society, Black models remain the constant “Other” to the White beauty norm. Although Wissinger sufficiently demonstrated how stereotypes preoccupy the modeling industry, she had a very narrow focus to her study as she only looked at Black models in relation to White models. The study would have been stronger had it also looked at how other marginalized models, Asians or Latinas, have to alter themselves for work or what stereotypical jobs they get booked for. This would have provided for a more complete picture of the modeling industry’s reliance on Whiteness as a singular definition of beauty. Article Four Summary: The previous three articles have looked at beauty industries as a way of gauging the racialized concept of ideal beauty, and now the final two articles will look at media effects on adolescent girls of color and their self-concept of beauty. The first, by Stacey J. Lee and Sabina Vaught used interviews with teenage and college-aged first and second-generation Asian American females to determine whether their concepts of beauty were affected by popular culture. The teenage girls (all still in high school) overwhelmingly were affected by popular culture images of beauty, and as a result had negative feelings about their appearance. Lee and Vaught (2003) also found that the teenagers expressed, “a belief that not being White prevented them from being accepted as authentic Americans” (p. 459). The college-aged women interviewed were much more confident in their appearances and status as Americans, but a

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majority still reported an adherence to a White beauty aesthetic; the women admitted to frequent diets, exercise routines, dying of their hair and wearing color contacts (Lee & Vaught, 2003). Article Four Critique: The Lee and Vaught article helps to exemplify that on a personal level Western popular culture’s racialized standards of beauty can greatly affect the way nonwhite females, especially younger girls, see themselves and their appearances. However, one place where the article could be strengthened is through connections to larger racial constructions concerning Asian Americans such as the model minority and outsider status. It was noted that the interviewed Asian American girls did not feel “traditionally” beautiful, and felt as if they were not expected to be beautiful (Lee & Vaught, 2003). This is an interesting point because if they did not feel as if they were expected to be attractive then what were they expected to be? Although the answer is unknown, it might be found within the model minority discourse that plagues most Asian Americans. Within this discourse Asian Americans are assumed to be intelligent, hard working and successful within school and their careers (Chen, 2004). Since the girls feel no expectations placed on them to be beautiful, perhaps this comes from the expectation that they are suppose to be the model minority. Additionally, the girls shared the idea that they did not feel authentically American. This may come from another discourse created about Asian Americans as the constant outsider in America. Chen (2004) argues that despite how much assimilation one undergoes or how successful they become in America they are still considered an outsider, unable to gain true recognition as an American. Article Five Summary: With similar intentions as Lee and Vaught, scholar Deborah Schooler examined how mainstream popular culture’s images of beauty affected adolescent Latina girls. Through

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surveys and focus groups Schooler performed longitudinal studies to determine if high television viewing affected the way Latina girls thought of their body image over the course of two years. Results revealed that Latina girls who were heavy TV viewers of mainstream American television tended to have more distorted body images of themselves, opposed to those who were light viewers (Schooler, 2008). Also, Latina girls whom watched more African American oriented or Spanish-speaking television had more positive self-images over time (Schooler, 2008). Article Five Critique: This article and Schooler’s findings are significant because they demonstrate how mainstream White definitions of beauty are detrimental to young girls of color. Something to note of Schooler’s findings was that although the girls envied and admired the way the “beautiful” White women on television looked, most were aware that these were unattainable beauty standards for themselves and most women. This is an idea that is congruent with various research findings that have indicated that people who are marginalized in society tend to be able to critically read media more effectively than mainstream audiences (Durham, 2004). In reading media more critically the girls of the study are then very conscious that their bodies to do not fit the mold of ideal White beauty, and are considered outsiders not only in America but also within feminine gender norms (Moreman & Calafell, 2008). If Schooler were to do further research it may be beneficial to consider how the girls’ own families and communities influence their body image in addition to the various forms of popular culture they consume. It would be of interest to see how familial and cultural factors, embedded into the girls since childhood, alter the way the girls perceive themselves.

RACIALIZED REPRESENTATIONS OF FEMALE BEAUTY Conclusion:

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The five peer-reviewed articles above were summarized and critiqued for the purpose of demonstrating how standards of female beauty are racialized and equated with Whiteness in Western popular culture. The articles and conclusions drawn from them illustrate that women of color are underrepresented, misrepresented and stereotyped in cultural industries aimed at highlighting beauty. Within popular culture images of beauty, Whiteness is the overarching norm to which all other races are compared to and made the “Other” in relation. As the articles above have shown the advertising and modeling industries are mediums of popular culture where racialized representations of female beauty are especially prevalent, and stereotypical images of women of color run ramped. Additionally, the articles have revealed that the White definition of beauty can have strong affects on young women of color who are exposed to various forms of popular culture. Therefore, the significance of the articles and this paper was to show that White privilege extends into representations of female beauty, as it is the only race that is always associated with what is beautiful in popular culture. Together these articles helped to establish the problem that lies within representations of female beauty in Western popular culture. The problem being that within popular culture beauty is equated with Whiteness, and women of other various races are underrepresented and misrepresented in relational to prominent beauty images. For example, the first article revealed that only White women were used in beauty advertisements, and the fourth and fifth articles showed that mainstream beauty images negatively affect how Asian and Latina women view themselves. Though the articles establish this problem well and provide ample examples, they were missing some important elements. First, three of the articles focused on popular culture mediums that may not be as mainstream or prevalent in everyday life. Fashion magazines and

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the modeling industry are not the most pervasive or readily available forms of popular culture; focuses on television, movies, music and TV commercials may have been more useful to look at because more people in many different locations have greater access to them. Additionally, sexual desirability or availability was absent from all five articles. It would have made this analysis more dynamic had there been at least some emphasis place on examining if perceived ideal female beauty (i.e. Whiteness) was also equated with sexual desirability. It was noted that Black women are portrayed as hypersexual, but what about Asian, Latina or White women? How are they represented sexually? This would have been interesting to consider because what is portrayed as sexually desirable and to what degree would have helped to further demonstrate what is valued in society and especially popular culture. Overall, the five articles strongly established the problem of racialized beauty representations, but they still left some elements unexplored. With a topic as wide and relatively unexamined as this there are many aspects to consider for future research. One would be looking more closely at how intersectionality affects popular culture’s standards of beauty. The second article by Mears incorporated class into her research conclusions, which positively added to her argument and findings. Class should be an identity included along with gender and race when looking at beauty norms to determine whether or not beauty is only equated with certain class structures. Also, nationality may prove to play an important role. For instance, would a Korean-American model be represented differently than a model from Korea? Another, element to consider in the future would be a connection to larger media effects theories such as cultivation theory. Within this a next logical step may be investigating why media organizers choose to represent beauty in such a singular way. Finally, there could a look at how racialized female beauty norms affect heterosexual men’s taste in

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women. Are White women desired because popular culture has equated them with ideal beauty, or can men look past representations when choosing a potential mate? There is a lot yet to be discovered about racialized representations of female beauty in Western popular culture, but from this paper hopefully there has been some insights gained to recognize this as a problem and yet another way nonwhite races are marginalized at the hands of popular culture.

RACIALIZED REPRESENTATIONS OF FEMALE BEAUTY References

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Chen, C. H. (2004). “Outwhiting the Whites”: An Examination of the persistence of Asian American Model Minority Discourse. In R. A. Lind (Ed.), Race/gender/media: Considering diversity across audiences, content, and producers (pp.146-153). Boston, MA: Pearson. Durham, M. G. (2004). Constructing the "new ethnicities": Media, sexuality, and diaspora identity in the lives of South Asian immigrant girls. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 21(2), 140-161. Lee, S. J. & Vaught, S. (2003). “You can never be too rich or too thin:” Popular and consumer culture and the Americanization of Asian American girls and young women. Journal of Negro Education, 72(4), 457-466. Lind, R. A. (2004). Laying a foundation for studying race, gender, and the media. In R. A. Lind (Ed.), Race/gender/media: Considering diversity across audiences, content, and producers (pp.1-10). Boston, MA: Pearson. Mears, A. (2009). Size zero high-end ethnic: Cultural production and the reproduction of culture in fashion modeling. Poetics, 38(1), 21-46. Moreman, S. T., & Calafell, B. M. (2008). Buscando para nuestra latinidad: Utilizing La Llorona for cultural critique. Journal of International and Intercultural Communication, 1 (4), 309-326 Schooler, D. (2008). Real women have curves: A longitudinal investigation of TV and the body image development of Latina adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Research, 23(2), 132153. Sengupta, R. (2006). Reading Representations of black, East Asian, and white women in magazines for adolescent girls. Sex Roles, 54(11), 799-808. Stern, S. R. (2004). All I really needed to know (about beauty) I learned by learned by kindergarden: A cultivation analysis. In R. A. Lind (Ed.), Race/gender/media: Considering diversity across audiences, content, and producers (pp.22-28). Boston, MA: Pearson. Watts, E. K. (2005). Border Patrolling and ‘Passing’ in Eminem’s 8 Mile. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 22 (3), 187-206. Wissinger, E. (2011). Managing the semiotics of skin tone: Race and aesthetic labor in the fashion modeling industry. Economic and Industrial Democracy, 33(1), 125-143.