Rebecca Lipschitz
Victoria Allen
PSCI 213
December 3, 2015
LBJ and the CRA The Civil Rights Act of 1964, which happened over 50 years ago, is not something my generation probably thinks of as a big deal. We all just assume that every man, woman, and child is endowed with equal rights and it is a crazy notion to suggest otherwise. However in the spring of 1964 not every man was considered equal, especially in the south. However, at the same time, a movement was building to codify equal rights spearheaded by Lyndon B. Johnson. Of course there were so many individuals and factors involved in the passage of the bill, however, in this paper I will focus mainly on LBJ and his contribution to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Although the initial bill was brought before Congress during JFK’s presidency, his assassination led to Johnson successfully shepherding the bill to passage. Johnson’s success can be attributed to his headstrong endurance, long time relationships with members of Congress, and the policy window due to the death of President Kennedy that finally got the legislation passed. In order to fully examine and give context to Johnson’s struggle for passage of this important bill, this paper will also touch upon who LBJ was before his presidency and what the Civil Rights Act of 1964 did for him, his perception, and his presidency. Lyndon Baines Johnson really got his start in government when he entered the Senate in 1949. Johnson had been a Representative to Texas’ 10th district; his win was due to the death of James P. Buchanan which created an open seat, prior to winning his Senate seat. His real drive and passion for politics showed in the amount of time and effort LBJ put into his work. Like most Americans in government he was only starting to be recognized when he made the transition from House to Senate. All his hard work and determination paid off, Johnson started rising through the ranks from Democratic whip in 1951-1953 to minority leader in 1953-1955, then to majority leader in 1955-1961. As well as chairman of the: Special Committee on the Senate Reception Room during the Eighty-fourth Congress, Special Committee on Astronautics and Space during the Eighty-fifth Congress, and Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences during the Eighty-fifth and Eighty-sixth Congresses. During his tenure as a Texas senator he created many friendships and allies; he had a power that most people wanted to get on board with; some notable names like Senator and Vice President Hubert Humphrey and Senator Richard Russell - who was had great influence in Congress (commanding the respect of almost every member) and became a mentor of sorts to Johnson in the beginning of his Senatorial career, showing LBJ the ins, outs, and functions of the Senate. Like anyone who rises to power in Congress, Johnson became someone that most senators wanted to be associated with- with leadership comes power and the capability of influence. In 1960 Johnson decided to further his rise in politics, by going after the Democratic presidential nomination. “If the democratic members of the U.S. Senate had been given the power to select the democratic candidate for president in 1960, Lyndon Johnson would have been their choice. But a fact of political life Johnson never fully grasped was that the senate did not possess this power.” Johnson, who was running against Kennedy for the nomination, just couldn’t compete with the young, handsome, rich, charismatic, and witty senator from Massachusetts who was piling up one primary win after another. Fortunately for Johnson his political prospects were not over just yet. In an effort to balance out the ticket, Kennedy picked the southern senator to be his running mate against Vice President Richard Nixon. But the decision was not an easy one for LBJ to make. In accepting the position of Vice President he would be giving up his 30 year career in Congress, in addition to taking the risk of losing power- which was always something he was striving for. However, if he chose to stay in the senate he ran the risk that the power of the majority leader would be reduced under a Democratic president. The logic for Johnson, in accepting, was he was a man capable of making something out of nothing; he could make the job of VP something powerful. Additionally he thought he would be able to maintain his power in a sense over Congress, due to his relationships, and be able to make decisions as well. Although when LBJ became Kennedy’s vice president in 1960, he quickly saw how meaningless those relationships were out of Capitol Hill. Once Johnson was out, he felt the cold sting of rejection. The new Majority Leader, Mike Mansfield (who was a big help later on in Congress to Johnson’s CRA cause), wanted to elect LBJ as the chair of the Democratic Conference; this appointment was met with a strong opposition of seventeen senators saying they didn’t want Johnson to be the presiding officer at their Democratic member meetings. The relationships he spent decades cultivating seemed to be something of the past and there he was with no power and no support. What people don’t know is that LBJ had high hopes for the Vice Presidency. He thought since he had such strong relationships in congress that he would somehow be able to control it from his vice presidency. He was met with rejection on a scale he never thought possible given his leadership and legacy in the senate. It did not take Johnson long to realize just how ceremonious the job of VP was. “Vice President Thomas Marshall in 1920 compared the Vice President to a cataleptic: ‘He cannot speak; he cannot move; he suffers no pain; yet he is perfectly conscious of everything that is going on about him.’” In Congress in 1957 and 1960 as Senate majority leader Johnson tried to steer a civil rights bill through a Congress which happened to be controlled to a great extent by southern Democrats who strongly opposed civil rights reforms. But no longer was he the majority leader and “could not buttonhole wavering members in the cloakroom or do horse-trading with them to get what he wanted or promise rewards or punishments”. Johnson’s rejection and loss of power caused him to become more reserved and introverted when it came to presidential legislative talks. Even though, Goodwin writes, it pained Johnson to keep his opinions to himself when he felt JFK’s men were doing a poor legislative job. With LBJ basically falling off the political map this caused the public to ignore him to the point that they had no idea who LBJ really was; he had lost his name recognition. Candid Camera, which was a popular show in the ‘60s went around asking people who Lyndon Johnson was, their responses were not encouraging; the American public had no idea who Johnson was. He was such a bright star in Congress and then it seemed he fell off everyone’s’ radars. A newspaper even wrote a story about Johnson’s lack of an appearance, titled “Whatever happened to Lyndon Johnson?” which showed what had become of his fate - he became a has been. His ideas of how his Vice Presidency would turn out were becoming just a dream of the past with no real power or authority. According to Goodwin, Johnson classified himself as an outsider his three years being the Vice President. Although Johnson never seemed comfortable in the vice presidency, he was given opportunities to lead and make some decisions. He became the head of the space program, oversaw a nuclear test ban treaty, and continued his work towards equal opportunity for minorities; he always had this passion for equal rights for all. In 1963, after the Kennedy assassination, Johnson took on more than just the responsibilities of being president, he also took on the moral battle raging on inside the country. There was a deep line drawn in the sand for either freedom for all races or sticking to the ways of the past. The state of the nation after JFK’s assassination was that of turmoil. But Lyndon Johnson wanted to show the American people that the government would still function no matter the terrible circumstances the country was in. At the time, it was the Republicans who were all in favor of reforms and equality, while most Democrats wanted to stay with the glory of yesteryear and preserve the path history had paved for them. Johnson, being a southern Democrat, did not agree with the latter way of thinking. Although he himself had not truly experienced the oppression of blacks at that time, because he came from an all white small Texan town, he knew that freedom for all was the right thing to do. When LBJ became president his goals were that of Kennedy’s, affect change for civil rights. He was able to do so because of his legacy in the Senate and his fierce determination, drive, and ability to work Congress into supporting his cause. For the most part, as stated before, most citizens did not really know who Lyndon Johnson was which put him in a strange position. He was thrusted into the presidency and only had eleven months before the 1964 elections to prove to American voters that he had the capabilities to be president based off of his own qualifications and merits. But after his first speech to Congress as president the air about him exuded confidence in a leader. “If at the beginning of his address one missed the clipped delivery of John Kennedy, by the end one was grateful for the measured steadiness of Lyndon Johnson.” Johnson had captivated his audience with his strong words, he spoke of loss and unity, this was the American people’s time to affect change and go on a path of equality.

“Now the ideas and the ideals which he so nobly represented must and will be translated into effective action…. that from the brutal loss of our leader we will derive not weakness, but strength; that we can and will act and act now. John Kennedy's death commands what his life conveyed—that America must move forward. The time has come for Americans of all races and creeds and political beliefs to understand and to respect one another. So let us put an end to the teaching and the preaching of hate and evil and violence. Let us turn away from the fanatics of the far left and the far right, from the apostles of bitterness and bigotry, from those defiant of law, and those who pour venom into our Nation's bloodstream.”

He pleaded with the nation saying it was time to move the country forward and that he could not handle the burden all on his own, he needed everyone’s help. For all the nation had been going through, mourning for the death of their president, LBJ gave them someone strong to look to, with words so powerful and so full of promise, “Those who test our courage will find it strong, and those who seek our friendship will find it honorable. We will demonstrate anew that the strong can be just in the use of strength; and the just can be strong in the defense of justice… We will carry on the fight against poverty and misery, and disease and ignorance, in other lands and in our own.” He showed the American people that even in this time they will be strong and they will honor the ideas of a great man. The people got to seem a glimmer of LBJ’s character and personality; their reaction to him was “effusively positive”. Having the people’s support was a difficult think for LBJ to gain in the wake of JFK’s assassination. The country was going through a tough time with their former chief executive dead and there was still turmoil between abolitionists and their opposers. But despite this divide he was able to win over the citizens’ support. One thing that helped him during his transition period was the fact that Johnson made it known to the public that his continuation of efforts for the Civil Rights Act was Kennedy’s call and he was just following through with what his predecessor started. LBJ’s big legislative journey started in the House; it was an uphill battle where Johnson needed to gain at least 218 votes in order to get this important bill passed. A mechanism used a lot was the stalling tactic to prolong any such vote- this would help one side or the other convince others of their reasoning’s; hearings would take a while to be scheduled or as we saw in the senate there would be arguments and filibusters getting in the way of progress and legislation. Johnson had to deal with many obstacles in the house such as the Rules Committee and the Judiciary Committee, he knew the only chance he had for getting the bill onto the floor for a vote was to get it out of committee. In committees there was the chance of getting a chairman who was not for the cause and kill the bill right then and there. If supporters of the bill could get it out in committee this would give them the opportunity to state their case on the floor and get some time to persuade votes. Through the odds he and his team were able to gain the votes to pass the Civil Rights Act on the House floor. Although it was a challenge nothing would prove more difficult than the southern democratic opposition in the senate. With their ability to add amendments (causing difficulties should it pass and have to go back to the House) and filibuster, Johnson’s team had their work cut out for them. Purdum depicts these many struggles and negotiations LBJ had to push for the bill to be passed. Such as the southern Democrats introducing amendments that they wanted to be a part of the bill- effectively killing any real chance of change if it were passed- like the Talmadge amendment, which said judges could pick their juries. This would take the teeth out of the law because southern judges would be able to pick all white jurors for a case against a black person. Although Johnson had support, even that support was not without complications. For example he held the support of the NAACP, but the group did not like the speed at which Johnson was moving. They didn’t want to wait anymore but had no concept of how the senate was proceeding, this put Johnson in a tough spot thus effectively endangering relationships with moderate to conservative democrats and angering republicans who were trying their hardest to help as well. Going against your party is a very risky thing to do in government; thankfully you can do so without losing your seat in Congress (like the potential of that in a parliamentary system). Although Johnson was from Texas it seemed that he didn’t fundamentally agree with what his fellow Southern Democrats believed in when it came to rights for everyone. Johnson was able to find backing in others, some likeminded Democrats like himself along with many members of the Republican Party. Even though there were big hurdles for LBJ to jump over in Congress and the opposition was yelling very loudly, Johnson was able to pull it off. He was able to secure civil rights for all people no matter the color of their skin. He had ferocious determination and many great people who were able to help out- those of his staff, staffers in Congress doing the nitty gritty work, and Congressmen whom he had formed connections and relationships with over his years in Congress. LBJ’s push for the CRA was nearly constant; there was always someone to try and convince and some new method of getting votes to try. But Johnson’s skillful and gifted abilities as a legislator, his use of connections in Congress, and his forceful personality helped him in his fight to get his agenda passed. His endless demands were necessary in this time of need, where he was constantly battling the opposition who was hell bent on getting the CRA rejected. He faced so much bigotry, criticism- even from within his own party, and pressure from civil rights groups but Lyndon Johnson knew he wasn’t just supporting the bill as a testament to JFK but because it was the right thing to do. Because the state the country was in at the time it is possible that JFK would not have been able to gather enough support for the legislation. LBJ was tenacious and not a cautious politician, in addition to the death of JFK being a window of opportunity to gather support, which made him the right person to get the job done. He called in favors, made threats, and worked hard persuading members of Congress this was the right thing to do. “He knew the players, their insecurities, their needs. He would flatter, threaten, and manipulate— sometimes all in the same conversation.” With all that work he was able to sign the Civil Rights Act into effect on July 2, 1964. With the passage of the Civil Rights Act doors started to open up for Johnson. His success caused him to gain the public’s approval based on his own merits and accomplishments. Although he wasn’t classified as the nicest person to deal with at times, he was able to affect change that the people had been waiting for. His success with the people led him down the path to successfully gain congressional approval for his Great Society programs. This was Johnson’s war on poverty and attempt to turn American into a great society. Such programs included: wilderness protection and pollution controls, education reform like more funding, literary tests and other discriminatory restriction methods to deny black voters their right to vote were banned, Medicare was created, a bill for low-income housing was passed, and LBJ even got seat belt legislation passed in 1968. With Johnson, American liberalism was at a high. Had it not been for the war in Vietnam Johnson’s legacy for domestic reform would have been amazing, but it was put in jeopardy by the event is Southeast Asia. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was a long time coming, through two presidents, two chambers, and a stressful amount of months the bill was finally signed into law under President Lyndon Johnson. Johnson was able to captivate the American people and gained their support with his inspirational words of moving forward and honoring what John Kennedy had started. But his greatest accomplishment was probably his ability to reign in the two chambers of Congress when the odds were stacked against him. He was cunning, smart, and wouldn’t accept defeat for this particular piece of legislation. Although mourning himself, he was able to rally the American people around the idea that John Kennedy had championed with so much intensity. He was able to show the people that it was time to move forward and to do one last thing for the late JFK. Johnson was very lucky in the fact that he had risen to such a high position in the Senate, that it opened doors to many relationships within Congress. His people were loyal to him and shared his view for change; staffers in congress, congressmen, and his own staff members took a job upon themselves that expected a lot of them but they knew what they were working towards was a greater future for all Americans, where the color of your skin did not mean the same thing as having rights.

Bibliography
Purdum, Todd S. An Idea Whose Time Has Come: Two Presidents, Two Parties, and the Battle for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. N.p.: n.p., n.d. Print.
Goodwin, Doris Kearns. Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream. New York: Harper & Row, 1976. Print.
"Johnson, Lyndon Baines - Biographical Information." Biographical Information. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, n.d. Web.
Smith, Jordan Michael. "'An Idea Whose Time Has Come' by Todd S. Purdum." Boston Globe. Boston Globe, 5 Apr. 2014. Web.
"Address to Joint Session of Congress (November 27, 1963) Lyndon B. Johnson." Miller Center. University of Virginia, n.d. Web.
"Lyndon Johnson's "Great Society"" Ushistory.org. Independence Hall Association, n.d. Web.
"Lyndon B. Johnson: Life in Brief." Miller Center. University of Virginia, n.d. Web.
"Lyndon Johnson on Civil Rights." On The Isuues, 2012. Web.
Gittinger, Ted, and Allen Fisher. "LBJ Champions the Civil Rights Act of 1964." National Archives and Records Administration. National Archives and Records Administration, Summer 2004. Web.

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[ 1 ]. Biographical Directory
[ 2 ]. ibid
[ 3 ]. Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream
[ 4 ]. Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream, 160
[ 5 ]. Ibid, 164
[ 6 ]. Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream, 167
[ 7 ]. National Archives and Records Administration
[ 8 ]. Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream, 165
[ 9 ]. An Idea Whose Time Has Come, 149
[ 10 ]. Ibid 150
[ 11 ]. Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream
[ 12 ]. Miller Center
[ 13 ]. U.S. History
[ 14 ]. Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream, 174
[ 15 ]. Miller Center Joint Session Address
[ 16 ]. Miller Center Joint Session Address
[ 17 ]. An Idea Whose Time Has Come, 155
[ 18 ]. Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream, 173
[ 19 ]. An Idea Whose Time Has Come
[ 20 ]. Boston Globe