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讀書:
評論與思考

人的靈魂與意識的真實;
「內因果」

言、神話劃清界限,因後者仍處於

是小說在故事與人物的進程中,依

「外因果」
(指外部世界
〔社會、環境


「內真實」
推動人物與情節變化的

及他人〕
的因素) 「套穴」 (閻連

之中

原因與結果,它不在現實生活中必

科:
《發現小說》
,頁172-74) 「孩


然發生或可能發生,卻在精神與靈

子」
這個人物難道真的能跟寓言、

魂上真實存在。參見閻連科:
《發

神話劃清界限?這還是值得閻連科

現小說》
,頁152、157-58)
,要與寓

和研究者深入思考的一個問題。

隱去
「黨史」
的政治傳記


葉蔭聰

只註頁碼)
一書如此重視。2012年
6月香港各大書店都以此書吸引內
地旅客;據說,中國大陸還會推出
稍加刪節的版本。傅高義在書的開
首其實已明言,這本書主要是寫給
美國人或所謂
「西方讀者」
看的,而
傅高義的
《鄧小平時

非中國讀者
(頁xi)
。事實上,因為

代》
被內地各界如此

鄧小平對當今中國
「政統」
的重要

看重,唯一的解釋大
概是作者在東亞研究

性,有關他的論著本已是汗牛充

中的名氣。這本傳記

楝。在筆者任教的香港嶺南大學,

給筆者第一感覺是,

圖書館雖然較小,但討論鄧小平的

資料如此之多,細節
如此豐富,但帶來的

著作也放滿了兩個書架,黨史專

新認識卻如此之少。

家、報告文學家、官方理論家也寫
過林林總總的傳記作品。過去幾
年,中共中央文獻研究室亦編輯出
傅高義 Ezra F. Vogel)

著,馮克利

版了
《鄧小平年譜:1975-1997》
(北

譯:
《鄧小平時代》
(香港:中文

京:中央文獻出版社,2004) 《鄧


大學出版社,2012)


小平年譜:1904-1974》
(北京:中央
文獻出版社,2009)
。若考慮到國

筆者一直不太明白為何中國大

內受到官方理論及審查限制,以致

陸讀者對傅高義 Ezra F. Vogel)



相關傳記作品流於宣傳及討論不夠

《鄧小平時代》
(Deng Xiaoping and

全面,海外也有不少屬禁書之列的

the Transformation of China,引用

作品可供選擇。

篇幅與
《鄧小平時代》
相若的可

給筆者第一感覺是,資料如此之

能是香港作家韓文甫
(筆名寒山碧)

多,細節如此豐富,但帶來的新認

在1990 年代出版的
《鄧小平傳》
(台

識卻如此之少。此書除了觸及一些

北:時報文化出版企業有限公司,

國內言論審查的禁區,例如1970年

1993)
。差不多同一時期,阮銘也

代末北京西單民主牆運動和1989年

出版了
《鄧小平帝國》
(台北:時報

民運期間鄧小平的角色,實在無法

文化出版企業有限公司,1992)


看到傅對鄧的評價與官方作品有多

不過只從1976年寫到1989年。稍晚

少出入。傅在書中各處已明言,鄧

一點,鄭義在1996 年出版了
《鄧小

改善眾多中國人的生活,沒有其

平傳》
(香港:明報出版社,1996)


他二十世紀的領袖比他做得更多

至於英文著作,較重要的包括前英

(頁615)
,他完成了一百五十年來

國駐華大使伊文思 Richard Evans)



書介與短評 151

中國領導人沒有完成的使命,找到

《鄧小平與現代中國的塑造》
(Deng

富國強兵之路
(頁12、619)


鄧小平活了九十三年,
但傅高義對鄧的評

Xiaoping and the Making of Modern

鄧小平活了九十三年 1 9 0 4 (

China [London: Hamish Hamilton,

1997)
,但傅高義對鄧的評價,相

1993; New York: Viking, 1993])


當大程度基於他生命中的最後二十

年,即由鄧主導的開

書,台北希代書版股份有限公司和

年,即由鄧主導的開放改革開始。

放改革開始。這個選

上海人民出版社分別於1994和1996年

這個選取相當配合作者的美國關

出版中文版。澳洲政治學者古德曼

懷,即鄧時代出現在中美關係正常

(David S. G. Goodman) 1994 年


化之後。因此,不能不讚賞中譯本

出版的
《鄧小平政治評傳》 D e n g


的書名,它比原來英文版的書名更

Xiaoping and the Chinese Revolution:

貼切,因為傅念茲在茲的是
「鄧小

A Political Biography [London; New

平時代」
,而不是
「鄧小平」
這個政

York: Routledge, 1994])
,較重視鄧

治人物。傅對鄧最後二十年的偏

與中共政治的權力關係,中文版於

重,令全書在篇幅安排上顯得極為

翌年便由北京中共中央黨校出版社

不平衡。對於1904至1978年這七十

翻譯過來。而在中國大陸成長、曾

餘年,此書花了不足200頁來-述,

經歷過文革、1980年代初赴美的歷

餘下的僅僅二十年卻花了400頁篇

史學者楊炳章,於 1 9 9 8 年出版了

幅。當然,不是說平均分配篇幅便

《小平大傳,1904-1997》 Benjamin


是最好,但筆者不禁想問:傅以

Yang, Deng: A Political Biography

「開放改革」
為中心的史觀,是否提

[Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1998])


供了一個較好的角度,讓我們理解

此書中文版2004年在香港由時代國

鄧的政治生涯以及中國的轉型呢?

際出版有限公司出版。

要寫好歷史,當然要抓住重要

傅高義的
《鄧小平時代》
被內地

的轉折,可是傅高義的歷史-事只

各界如此看重,唯一的解釋大概是

抓住了鄧小平的政治生涯中最顯眼

作者在東亞研究中的名氣。他寫過

的兩個地方,即鄧在文革時被打倒

《日本第一》
(Japan as Number One:

下放到江西當工人,以及1978年的

Lessons for America)
,也寫過高度

開放改革。這顯然是因為傅以
「開

讚許中國經濟改革的書。這本傳記

放改革」
作為中心點來-述,其他

價,相當大程度基於
他生命中的最後二十

取相當配合作者的美
國關懷,即鄧時代出
現在中美關係正常化
之後。

152

讀書:
評論與思考

同樣重要的轉折,都被他輕輕帶

為機密,在官方歷史中,高饒被描

過,埋沒在缺乏分析的資料鋪陳之

述成兩個莫名奇妙的陰謀家,權欲

中,尤其忽略了1950年代鄧的掌權

薰心,陰謀奪權。官方黨史無法說

之路。

清前因後果,於是把高崗的自殺視

傅高義稱1969至1977年為鄧小


「與黨對抗」 「自絕於人民」
,或


平的
「曲折的掌權之路」 45)
(頁
。這

不管如何,在這場政治鬥爭

容易讓人忽略了鄧在1969年前通向

中,鄧小平扮演了重要角色。當鄧

權力之路,也無法點出鄧的政治生

還不是政治局成員時,他已出席了

涯特點,以及其與當代中國政治轉

1953年末相關的黨高層會議,狠批

型的關係。雖然鄧在1930年代初便

高饒。1954年,鄧的重要工作之一

受到毛澤東的賞識,但成為中共中

便是調查高饒案,並於1955年作報

央領導人是始於1952年。當時有所

告。鄧從此青雲直上。當然,這不


「五馬進京」
,即毛召集地方上五

單是一場高層辦公室政治鬥爭,而

案,並於1955年作報

名大員成為中央人民政府的幹部。

是中共在國家體制上確立一黨專政

告。鄧從此青雲直

鄧進京前是西南局第一書記,入京

的開始。1954年
《五四憲法》
通過,

後擔任多個中央職務,在短短幾年

取代了
《共同綱領》
;政協變成諮詢

鬥爭,而是中共在國

間,成為政治局委員、政治局常委

機構;民主黨派人士佔上一半的政

家體制上確立一黨專

及中央書記處總書記。據不少黨史

務委員會及中央人民政府委員會此

政的開始。

專家指出,其中最重要的轉折點,

後亦取消了。換言之,共同執政的

正是這期間發生的
「高崗饒漱石反黨

政府消失了,新民主主義時期結束

集團事件」


了,換成黨政合一。鄧在黨中央的

1954年,鄧的重要工
作之一便是調查高饒

上。當然,這不單是
一場高層辦公室政治

高崗及饒漱石是
「五馬」
之二,
分別來自東北及華東,原是毛澤東

掌權開始之日,正是中共從體制上
確立一黨專政之始。

的忠實支持者,協助毛打擊劉少奇

這個如此重要的過程在傅書中

派系,包括負責財經的薄一波及負

只有一段述及
(頁36)
,而且對其政

責人事組織的安子文。這場政治鬥

治含義也沒有分析。不少鄧小平傳

爭的目的是要加速毛設想的社會主

記頗為重視這段歷史的政治意義,

義過渡,拋棄
「新民主主義」
,即取

例如,楊炳章用了一整章來談此

消讓民主黨派共同執政,以及不再

事,點出了鄧如何在黨中央成為毛

容許私營工商業發展。在這期間,

的忠實支持者
(有趣的是,林彪與

高饒甚至打算籌劃另一份有別於安

鄧同一時間進入政治局)
;而古德

子文草擬的政治局及中央委員名

曼也用了半章篇幅來談此事,他甚

單。可是,在1954年初的政治局擴

至指出,在1956年強調黨的
「團結」

大會議上,劉與毛暫時妥協了,高

口號之時,鄧開始在書記處與一些

饒等成為代罪羔羊,最後兩人被打

幹部結成政治上的盟友,他們在往


「反黨集團」
(林蘊暉:
《向社會主

後幾十年鄧的政治生涯中發揮重要

義過渡——中國經濟與社會的轉型

作用。

(1953-1955)

〔香港:香港中文大學

抓不住這段歷史,便無法從政

當代中國文化研究中心,2009〕


治經歷以至權力體制來掌握鄧小平

頁311-15)
。此事的相關文件至今仍

這個人,並且容易誇大了鄧與毛的

書介與短評 153

分別,忽略了他倆共同為中共黨政

彪;即使是
「四人幫」
治國,他也沒

一體奠下的基礎。事實上,鄧與毛

有信心。毛處處提防奪權者,卻把

的緊密關係,尤其是在1950年代,

黨國機器弄得幾乎土崩瓦解,結果

可以用來解釋傅高義所說的
「鄧小

只剩下資歷淺與性格軟弱的華國鋒

平時代」
的不少事情。例如,同樣

可以選擇;而華既與
「四人幫」


被傅輕輕帶過的1957年反右運動,

合,亦注定要在毛逝世與
「四人幫」

是在毛授權下由鄧直接執行的,最

倒台後被一眾老幹部所推倒。鄧小

後把幾十萬知識份子打成右派,即

平雖然比毛年輕,但也是第一代中

鄧後來自詬的
「擴大化」
。一方面,

共黨人,當他上台時,他與身邊的

反右終結了民主黨派及知識份子的

幹部都是年過七十有餘,同樣立即

獨立空間;另一方面,開始了由各

面對傳承與接班人問題,因此不難

級黨領導專政,針對所有反動階級

理解為甚麼他急於讓趙紫陽及胡耀

進行鬥爭與改造的新體制。這個體

邦晉升。鄧雖然嘗試在較寬鬆的黨

制在所謂
「鄧小平時代」
固然褪去了

和國家政治生活中進行接班與傳

階級鬥爭的色彩,但是黨領導專政

承,可是又怎能保證趙胡二人是合

以及壓制體制內外的言論及思想上

適的接班人?而且,文革後的中國

的挑戰的做法,則是一脈相承的。

充滿了思想啟蒙與解放氣氛,幾乎

中共十三大前的政改

必然出現體制內的政治改革者。

爭論,可是政改在六

這在日後鄧對待知識份子的做法上

傅高義在書中大量引
用吳國光的著作描述

四後的消失,對傅來

可以得到證實——西單民主牆運動

雖然傅高義是美國人,但筆者

的結局如是,天安門民主運動的結

並無意要求他以民主自由的標準去

情,更不是評價鄧的

評價鄧小平,不過他至少應該從中

重點。這就如胡耀邦

局亦如是。
傅高義稱鄧小平為國家建造者

共的政治改革路徑中去看鄧的成

與改革者,但他卻淡化了一點——

敗。1980年代可以說是鄧的
「試錯

鄧這個身份的前提,是他作為黨的

階段」 trial by error)

,不單在經濟改

建造者及守護者。鄧的富國強兵之

革上,在政治上也是
「摸/石頭過

路,更準確地說,是只能由黨國帶

河」
,因此,他往往在政治改革派

領的強國之路。因為這個盲點,作

(或開明派)
與保守派之間搖擺。在

為鄧的傳記作者,傅亦沒有細緻去

傅筆下,搖擺的結果是胡耀邦與趙

審視鄧延續了一個由毛開始的統治

紫陽都要下台,在六四後由江澤民

難題:既然黨要領導一切,那麼,

接棒,然後漸漸順利過渡至集體領

它又如何保證接班人能持續保證黨

導。透過鄧的1992年南巡,中國繼

的領導?對毛來說,是防止修正主

續開放改革。很明顯,傅認為鄧是

義;對鄧來說,是防止改革溢出黨

「試對了」
。可是,這不是對與錯那

領導的框框,即他所說的
「四項基

樣簡單,胡與趙不同於江,1980年

本原則」
中最重要的一項。

代的改革目標與議程,也跟1990年

毛澤東當年搞的政治運動,很

代以至今天不同,當中很明顯的一

大程度上是嘗試解決這個傳承與接

點,就是為了維護黨的團結與領

班的難題,可惜他總是愈搞問題愈

導,稍為觸及權力分配的政改也不

大。先是高崗與劉少奇,後有林

再出現了,就連1980年代提出的黨

說好像不是一件事

與趙紫陽在政壇消
失,對中共都好像不
是一回事一樣。

154

讀書:
評論與思考

政分開至今也沒有做到。簡言之,

實知道,往後二十年中國取得社會

鄧要解決接班問題,卻犧牲了政治

穩定與經濟奇l
(頁570)
。而且,

改革。

他在沒有引述任何資料及文獻來源

1980年代趙紫陽
「政改」
的參與

下,指出六四後
「很多學生相信」


者吳國光,在回顧這段歷史時也發

「很多人相信」
,只有共產黨才能維

出同樣的慨嘆
(吳國光:
〈無法通過

持和促進經濟發展,比其他可能的

的窄門——中共政治回顧與思考〉


選擇更可取 565-66)
(頁
。這種論調,

www.epochtimes.com/b5/7/10/15/

似乎是為了配合他對鄧採取的愛國

n1867523.htm)
。傅在書中大量引用

主義與發展主義之評價:鄧畢竟完

吳的著作描述中共十三大前的政改

成了百年
「富國強兵」
之夢!

這本鄧小平傳記從一

爭論,可是政改在六四後的消失,

這種愛國論是對現代中國民族

個美國學者的觀點出

對傅來說好像不是一件事情,更不

主義的簡化。事實上,歷史上極少

發,附和了中國六四

是評價鄧的重點。這就如胡與趙在

中國知識份子只關心國家獨立與經

態,是一個有趣的意

政壇消失,對中共都好像不是一回

濟增長,現代中國的政治爭議是極

識形態現象。這本書

事一樣。難道傅忘記了,雖然鄧在

度激烈的。諷刺的是,這種粗糙的

本身,以及大家對該

生命最後的二十年|,作為改革者

愛國主義,正是鄧小平在六四後所

取得了
「成功」
,保住了改革開放,

鼓吹的。傅在書中第二十二章
「站

但卻漠視了曾短暫出現過的眾多改

穩腳跟:1989-1992」
結尾更特別論

革呼聲,以致斷送了推動政改的機

及。正如他自己說,六四後中共的

會嗎?也許在傅眼中,八六學潮

處境是
「愛國主義、經濟發展和經

與八九年天安門廣場上的學生在政

濟機會的增加,共同構成了解決問

治上不夠成熟,提出的口號及訴求

題的手段」
(頁591)
。可惜,傅沒有

過於具有對抗性,那麼發自體制內

反過來審視一下自己的作品,是否

的政改動力又如何呢?鄧並沒有找

也沾染了
「後六四」
的中共意識形態

到平衡點,為了維持黨的絕對領

色彩?

後的強勢官方意識形

書的關注,絕對可以
作為研究
「鄧小平現
象」
的重要一節。

導,他不只壓制了民間聲音,還扼

這本鄧小平傳記從一個美國學

殺了胡與趙等黨內改革者的訴求。

者的觀點出發,附和了中國六四

政改的長期缺席、黨的集中領導,

後的強勢官方意識形態,即正如

也成為往後權貴資本主義的
「中國

著名左翼歷史學者安德森 Perry R.


模式」
的基本政治條件。

Anderson)
所說,是一種
「中美觀點」

鄧小平的政治生涯曲折與多

(Sino-Americana)Perry R. Anderson,


變,當中個別事件涉及的政治與道

,
“Sino-Americana”London Review of

德爭議,傅高義多採取一種不可知

Books 34, no. 3 [2012]: 20-22)
。不

論,但又帶點犬儒與功利味道。例

過,這是一種中美強權也會感到舒

如,為人所詬病的有關六四的評價

服安心的觀點。這真是一個有趣的

正是一例。傳同意,六四是個悲

意識形態現象,筆者以為,
《鄧小

劇;但他又說,如果鄧在1989年不

平時代》
這本書本身,以及大家對

鎮壓北京民運,我們不知道將會發

該書的關注,絕對可以作為研究

生甚麼。筆鋒一轉,他說,我們確

「鄧小平現象」
的重要一節。

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