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Prison Industrial Complex

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The Walnut Grove Youth Correctional Facility in Mississippi houses 1,200 boys and young men. An NPR news investigation into the juvenile prison examined public records associated with federal grants paid to the Walnut Grove Youth Correctional Facility. Those records showed how Warden Brick Tripp and his deputy wardens had been receiving checks for $2,500 to $5,000 as "supplemental salaries" for administering federal Title 1 education funds (Burnett 3). In a phone interview, Cole stated he had no knowledge of the warden and the deputy dealing with educating students. In attempt to get further evidence behind the reward of salaries, the attempt was met with a declined interview from the warden. Furthermore, it was not made clear why the deputy was receiving bonus checks. GEO Group's Paez who was asked why the prison administration was receiving supplementary paychecks from federal education grants, which have nothing to do with the civil rights lawsuit or Justice Department investigation, replied with no comment (Burnett 3). NPR wondered if this was normal. Considering the town of Walnut Grove is so small, where inmates outnumber citizens 2 to 1. The people of the town primarily rely on the prison. 200 prison jobs helped fill the void when a shirt manufacturer and a glove maker closed and moved overseas several years ago (Burnett 3). This “sweet deal” for the Walnut Grove enables the prison to pay the town $15,000 in lieu of taxes - which comprises nearly 15 percent of its annual budget. That is a lot of money for a small town that according to the Mayor which “helps [them] maintain a full-time police department that [they] wouldn't be able to afford without that income." Due to this community making money off of the prison, this raises the question of whether people are overseeing the Walnut Grove Youth Correctional Facility or any other Prison Facility negligence and corruption because they are making money. Across the nation, African Americans are far more likely to be arrested for selling or possessing drugs than whites, even though whites use them at the same rate (Ingraham 1). Furthermore, in 1980, whites were about 45 percent more likely to sell drugs than blacks, according to an analysis of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (Ingraham 1). In 2012, data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health shows that 6.6 percent of white adolescents and young adults sold drugs, compared to just 5.0 percent of blacks (Ingraham 1). However, arrest data on African Americans for nonviolent drug crimes has skyrocketed. In 2011, drug crimes comprised 14 percent of all arrests that included “drug paraphernalia;” possession comprised an additional 31 percent of all arrests (Ingraham 1). Because drug exchange is happening more outside in the open, whites who tend to sell drugs indoors are less targeted. Such racial disparities are embodied by a biased criminal justice system. Paulette Brown, who became the first black female president of the American Bar Association concludes that one in 16 African Americans are subjected to the criminal justice system compared to that of one in 106 whites is influenced by ninety-five percent of all prosecutors being white and 88% of lawyers being white. Considering that majority of the prosecutors are white, prosecutors have much control and power, sometimes more than the judge. Blacks are perceived at a dehumanizing outcome. For example, during Hurricane Katrina, an image of black people with food resulted in them looting but, an image of white people with food resulted in them helping their family. Brown also pointed out that 53% of African-American youths who are arrested under the age of 18 are charged and treated as adults. This results in them going to a different court held by the jury as opposed to being in a juvenile court. Brown also pointed out how there is a problem of over-incarceration.

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