V.
2. Part 1-Racial profiling: a brief history and background: Profiling began in the early 1970’s by the drug enforcement agency and it focused on certain behaviors. By the 1980’s when Reagan declared the war on drugs, skin color became a major profile component and enforcement of drug laws became to take on the street level rather than just in airports and the focus was increasingly on poor communities of color. By 1985, the DEA had trained thousands of police officers to employ the "pretextual traffic stop", a legal name for racial profiling, and refers to the practice of stopping drivers, particularly those of color, for minor traffic violations for the purpose of searching their cars for drugs, guns, or cash. In 1986, the DEA introduced …show more content…
The focus on ‘driving while black’
(1) A synonym for pretextual traffic stop based on race
(2) Has become the focus of the racial profiling debate for two reasons: being entirely about race (The phrase itself implies that one's blackness is the primary offense leading to a pretextual stop) and because of the way it is constructed as a practice that targets men
(3) equating racial profiling with "Driving While Black" implies that racial profiling mainly affects African American and Latino men and conceals or ignores the ways that women of color are racially profiled on the highways and elsewhere. (this is where she wants to jump into and expand the notion that racial profiling is intersectional by intersecting into other people’s lives rather than just black men)
3. Part 2- ‘Gendering’ racial profiling: how women of color are profiled: provides examples of individual anecdotes that illustrate that women are also victims of “Driving while Black” (Linda Johnson, Jhenita Whitfield, Marlene Adams)
a. Racial profiling off the highways: In airports and bus stations
(1) the most prominent display of racial profiling of women of color has taken place in various United States …show more content…
In other words, a Muslim woman who has never shed her veil in public may feel just as humiliated as an African American woman who is subjected to an intrusive pat down or strip-search
(3) They are both seen as bad women
7. Part 6- Coalition building after September 11: A hopeless dream or a real possibility? The author believes that to address racial profiling and hate crime, a coalition building is a better approach, even though legislation needs to rewritten laws to include all the victims of such practices. Since racial profiling affects many communities of color, a unified response to the problem by various women's organizations, religious groups, and racial/ethnic communities will be an appropriate remedy, where all victims can gain some benefit.
a. Imagining a collation Between Black Women and Arab Women
(1) A barrier to the coalition is the fact that Arab and black women may view their concerns as too different and may not feel they have a common enemy
(2) the stereotype of black women as "sexually uninhibited and willing participants in most sexual acts" sharply contrasts with the conception of Muslim women as modest, chaste, and sexually