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The Concubine Analysis

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Each diverse religion in existence, meant to enlighten its followers, brings a new perspective on how to live life, what to believe, and what morals to follow. Many pre-colonialist African societies, specifically Igbo and Bambara societies, could be defined by the impact of their traditional (meaning any religious belief indigenous to Africa before European arrival) religion on everyday life. Traditional beliefs in these societies were defined by polygyny and male dominance, in addition to sacrificing to divinities, fetish priests, and medicine men. Although Islam had roots in Africa before the beginning of colonialism, the introduction of the transatlantic slave trade and the start of Islam social movements began a new campaign toward religious reform in Africa. The novel Segu by Maryse Conde, shows how these Islamic movements brought both hope and fear into the lives of the men and women in the Bambara society. In particular, this new emphasis on Islam brought fear into the lives of many women; fear of leaving the traditions they had followed their whole lives. Whereas Segu focused on changes, The Concubine, by Elechi Amadi, took a more timeless approach, focusing solely on the traditional religion of the Igbo society and its effects. Although these novels are very different, each author effectively shows the significant social, emotional, and physical effects of religion particularly on the lives of women in both the Igbo and Bambara societies. The Concubine, provides insight to many traditional concepts of the Igbo society such as its village democracy, beliefs in spirits, and, most importantly, the way women are viewed in society. Village democracies, as defined by Britannica, are democracies with a chosen group, usually the elders of a society, chosen to rule for their people. Amadi shows how villagers interacted with these elders by seeking their advice and assistance involving disputes, such as the land dispute between Emenike and Madume (Amadi 68). Medicine men, also called dibia, were just as important as the elders in these societies. These men performed divinations, guided the sacrifices, and served as the “doctors” for the Igbo people. Amadi shows just how important spirits are to these people by presenting the main character, Ihuoma, as the “wife of the Sea-King, the ruling spirit of the sea” through a divination by the village medicine man (Amadi 195). This divination proved this woman could not marry and could only be a concubine, a woman who’s sole purpose was sex, chained down by a spirit who would “destroy any man who makes love to her” (Amadi 195). The spiritual world was not taken lightly by the Igbo people and they would make sacrifices to the spirits for many reasons, including marriage, thankfulness, and burials (Amadi). In a social aspect, it is clear that men have more power and respect in the Igbo society than women. In regards to speaking, it is common to hear a woman address her husband as “my lord,” and it is not uncommon for them to ask their husband permission to do certain things, such as leave to see family (Amadi 13). Polygyny, also a concept emphasized in this novel, is shown to bring out jealousy and sadness among the wives (Amadi 55). However, it was custom for men to have more than one wife, and it was not right for women to speak out against their husbands on the matter. In fact, it was also custom for husbands to beat their wives if they weren’t doing what they were told (Amadi 144). Women cooked for their husbands, took care of the kids, and made sure everything was exactly what their husbands wanted, making them seem more like servants than wives. It is important to see how these images of Igbo society, especially the ideals and beliefs in regard to women, limited them, almost making them inhuman, which is similar in the Bambara society The Bambara also practiced polygyny, allowing men to possess many wives and concubines, once again, provoking jealousy and internal suffering amongst the women in the compounds, as shown by the presence of Sira, a concubine living with two wives (Conde 12). Likewise to Igbo society, this village was also ruled by a village democracy, with a council of men making all the important decisions (Bambara). And in regards to the spiritual world, the Bambara believed that Faro was the creator and prayed to deities through boli, or shrines (Lecture). Fetish priests were also common, providing spiritual guidance to those in the village, like the medicine men of the Igbo (Conde 13). Women in Segu, like the women in the Igbo tribe, seemed to only be possessions, or servants, of men. Whenever the men felt the need for sex, they would have it, regardless of protest from the women (Conde 113). And whenever a wife or concubine wasn’t doing what was expected, they would beat them (Conde 70). Like the women of the Igbo society, Bambara women were also expected to cook for men, keep the compound tidy, and watch the children. The morals and beliefs of traditional religion were not in favor of women, so it could only be expected that women would be open for change. Without any conquest or state action, Islam was initially introduced in Segu by informal missionary work (Curtin 168). However, in nineteenth century West Africa, Islamic social movements and jihads, supported by the Ulama (Islamic scholars), were making Islam more prominent in an effort for social change. The tension between Islamic Kaarta and traditional Segu was increasing in this century, and eventually resulted in militant Islam forced upon Segu (Lecture). Segu, almost entirely, focuses on religious developments brought upon the traditional Bambara society in Segu from outside peoples, such as the Fuloni society, a herding, Muslim community. This impact of outside forces on close-knit societies, which Conde covers in depth, is an aspect that Amadi failed to touch upon, providing the reader with less insight on the influences affecting Igbo society. Although Islam provided more respect for women, making them cover up and limiting the number of wives a man can have, it caused more fear than happiness in the Bambara women in Segu (Conde 84). This new religion brought new laws and new social standards to a society that knew nothing other than traditional beliefs, making the hesitance and fear understandable (Curtin 173). The villagers content with their traditional ways, feared Islam, while others, unhappy with their present religious following decided to learn more, such as Tiekoro (Conde 39). Being a mother of a child interested in Islam was not easy, as it separated Tiekoro and Nya, driving her son away from their community to Timbuktu for religious study (Conde 38). Bambara women joined groups with other “women who were practically immune to the customs of the society around them,” trying to find condolence in this time of radical religious reform (Conde 150). It was clear women rejected the idea of Islam in Bambara society, regardless of the respect it could bring. The transatlantic slave trade also had a religious impact on West Africa. As seen by the story of Romana in Segu, slavery in Brazil allowed her to become Christian (Conde 215). Unlike the other Bambara women, Romana was taken out of Africa and put to work in a country with completely different belief systems from the religions in Africa (Conde 201). In a way, Christianity was forced upon her, however, even when she was not a slave anymore and back in Africa, she continued her Christian ways (Conde 262). Her story also showed the hatred between Muslims and Christians as Romana’s husband was killed for being a Muslim in Catholic Brazil. Religious reformation and change is not a topic discussed by Amadi. Therefore, it can be argued that the Igbo society she portrays in The Concubine is not a realistic view of this society as a whole. It would be impossible to historically talk about the Igbo society without including Christianity in the picture (Igbo). Amadi fails to include the effects Christianity had on the Igbo society, particularly women, which could have potentially been an intriguing, historical idea in The Concubine. Because of this lack of historical information, however, her work can be classified as “timeless,” speaking of a community without any time period, and without any outside influences, unlike Conde’s novel filled with radical (religious) changes of the nineteenth century. Conde’s focus of religious change and its effects are vital in historically understanding the Bambara society. Amadi’s lack of inclusion of historical effects on the Igbo society is extremely detrimentally in understanding the overlaying concepts of Igbo society, such as its eventual acceptance of Christianity (Igbo). As women were the main characters of both of these novels, Amadi’s work only covered how women were seen in a traditional sense, while Conde’s work described how women dealt with both their traditional beliefs, while also being exposed to Islamic and Christian ideals. Moreover, a definite overlap of how women are viewed in both Igbo and Bambara societies can be seen in both of these texts, concluding that religion in these societies indeed has social, emotional, and physical effects on women.

Works Cited
“African Religions.” Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2010. Web. 26 Oct. 2010.

Amadi, Elechi. The Concubine. South Africa: Heinemann, 1966. Print.

“Bambara.” Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2010. Web. 26 Oct. 2010.

Conde Maryse. Segu. New York: Viking Penguin Inc., 1987. Print.

Curtin, Philip D. African History. Longman, 1979. Print.

“Igbo.” Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2010. Web. 26 Oct. 2010.

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