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The Fourth Amendment

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In his pamphlet titled The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved, colonial Massachusetts lawyer and political activist James Otis argues that supreme legislative and supreme executive power must have a place in every commonwealth, however, those powers remain in the whole body of the people; furthermore, in the event that any administrators were to deviate from truth, justice and equity, they verge towards tyranny, and are to be opposed.1 The fate of the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution can be construed as an example supporting Otis’ argument.
Nearly every facet of political thought in the United States has proven to be far more malleable than its original authors had intended, an excellent example of this is the Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution. The text of the Fourth Amendment appears seemingly straightforward; the first clause of the amendment states that all searches and seizures must be reasonable, the second clause of the amendment specifies requirements for when courts may issue a warrant in support of a search or seizure.2 Surprisingly, the concept that warrantless searches and seizures are unconstitutional or that warrants are required for all searches and seizures is relatively modern. Prior to this mindset of warrantless search and seizures being unconstitutional, law enforcement was allowed to do a search and seize items as long as their actions could be construed as being reasonable. In the event that the searches and seizures were unreasonable, the law enforcement officers would be held accountable for their actions in the form of being liable for damages suffered from the trespass in addition to punitive damages.3 This potential liability often served as a deterrent for law enforcement not to abuse its power, as there was the looming fear of liability. According to Yale Law School professor Akhil

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