In considering the process of change in the development of Irish Nationalism between the years 1815 and 1922, how far can the Potato Famine (1845-49) be seen as a turning point?

Irish nationalism has been said to have changed hugely during the period of 1815 to 1922 in which the movement of nationalism took many changes in directions to complete a vast range of goals including fair rent and Home Rule. These changes were caused by different turning points along the way of which the Potato Famine has been said a key one. The Potato Famine did cause change to an extent but was not alone in the changing in direction of the Irish nationalist movement as other turning points contributed such as Catholic Emancipation, and the first Home Rule bill which both changed the objectives and strategies of the nationalist movement to an extent.
The Potato Famine can be seen as a turning point in the change of Irish Nationalism as it was the first time the country had collectively focused on campaigning for cultural nationalism and this suddenly came about due to the catastrophic changes the famine had on the majority of the classes in Ireland, especially amongst the lower-class. It not only created a deep-seated hatred towards Britain amongst the Catholic population, but also had the devastating effect on the Irish population. It led to the death of approximately one million people and, by 1850, to the emigration of a further one and a half million. It accelerated a prolonged reversal of demographic trends in Ireland, and this can be said to the key point in which the Catholic Irish came together in the opposition of the British as everyone was affected. Due to the landlord class falling in numbers as well as the peasant class, historians have suggested that it helped to create a more dedicated group, that supporting nationalism, as K. Theodore Hoppen quoted “it would be crudely true to say that the famine actually helped create a larger class of middle-ranking tenant farmers, a group who would become politically crucial over the subsequent years” (1). Such a decline has huge effects on the economy of a country and thus, Irish growth declined while Britain maintained a sharp industrial climb further adding to the rise of Nationalism within the classes of Ireland. The harsh fact that remained in Ireland, was that the famine although gave a sharp rise of hatred towards the British regime, it could be seen as a help to those that endured the period as the living standards of the Irish farmer and agriculture worker rose, as relative shortage in labour drove wage rates up and, with so few remaining, the rest enjoyed a healthy food supply. This slightly dampened the need for ‘shouts of revenge’. But the famine did not immediately precipitate a major political reaction from Irish nationalists, which could suggest that the Great Famine was not as key a turning point as some might interpret, as Nick Pelling writes “In Ireland it seems that the hunger so weakened the population that the will to rebel barely existed” (2). Although, it has been said that it created a ‘reservoir’ of anti-English feeling which nurtured all manner of nationalist movements, in particular with the Fenians. However, it would be wrong to say that Anglophobia swept through Ireland in the years after the tragedy. This is plainly seen through the lack of resentment in Irish literature in the 50s and 60s. In the short term this absence of anger could be the result of the feeling that the famine was a punishment from God, but in later on the Nationalist movement did pick up that the Union failed to deal with the problem as “British”. This famine did alter social structure which made support for Nationalism easier to acquire but it was not instant, although it did give way for the emergence of the Land League. It also set the way for a change in course from cultural nationalism towards a more radical nationalism where Home Rule is the key objective. But the famine did not seem to affect any of the potential turning points after the turn of the century as nationalism had taken a new direction to try and cope with Unionism while still fighting for freedom from British rule and did not linger on goals of continuing cultural nationalism. This is also the case for the Catholic Emancipation as this occurred before the Great Famine and thus could not have been connected in any way.
The Land League has been suggested to be a turning point in the change of Nationalism in Ireland, not only because it was led by the imperious Parnell who himself was a vital driving force in the emergence of a new nationalist movement, but also because it played an important role in defending and improving the rights of the tenant farmer during the great agricultural depression which began in 1879. This League forced Gladstone to push through the second Land Act of 1881 and this major concession promised what the tenants had been fighting for; Fair rent, Fixity of Tenure and a right to free sale of their Tenure. With this significant obstacle overturned the Land War came to a close and with the new father of Nationalism in prison, it gave followers strength to carry on as if he could force the government to pass bills from inside prison, they should be able to do more from outside. Fergus Campbell commented that “it was perhaps Parnell’s greatest coup that from prison he was able, through various intermediaries, to persuade Gladstone to pass another act, the Arrears Act of 1882” (3). Although this League ended the Land War and ultimately helped the tenants to pay their rent, it did not rile the rest of the country as much as Parnell hoped due to a splinter group of the Fenians called the “Invincibles” murdering Lord Frederick Cavendish, the new Irish Chief Secretary, and his Under-Secretary. It put Parnell and Gladstone in a storm of criticism, which deflated the crusade of Nationalism during this period. This meant that the movement had to change its main view from helping the tenants to a new goal, and as David George Boyce said “by 1885 it had become clear that the demand for Home Rule was the new focus of the nationalist movement” (4). But it is plain to see that the Land League was a direct result of the Potato Famine as its resulting end allowed a determined Catholic group of people to band together to achieve the mutual goals of extending Nationalism through Ireland.
The new focus of nationalism in Ireland fell on obtaining a Home Rule bill. This has been argued to also be a turning point as it proposed seriously, for the first time, the restoration of a Dublin Parliament which had not been seen since 1782. The main effect this had on nationalism was necessarily a positive change as it sparked the rise of Ulster Unionism, and also split the Liberal party which had aimed to have Irish support, but now had a Liberal Unionist lobby in the House of Commons against the idea of Home Rule. This unfortunate consequence also meant the demise of Gladstone’s rule in the next election and gave way to the Conservative party, as K.Theodore Hoppen said, split in the Liberals “ensured that the resulting general election in July 1886 would usher in two almost-solid decades of Conservative hegemony at Westminster” (5). With the strengthening of Unionist belief, Parnell and other Irish Nationalist leaders realised that the movement must become more competitive and would have to resort to more than just “monster meetings” meaning a turn in nationalism to a more extreme idea, thus changing from its peaceful call for change to a more radical push. This idea would carry through the turn of the century with Unionism growing, and Home Rule becoming a more relevant topic of discussion in Westminster. But it could be argued that Home Rule only became a goal for nationalism after they had completed their mission to repair the cultural damage that the Great Famine caused. This would mean that Home Rule did not change Nationalism in this period but rather the aftermath of the famine caused the movement to change its objectives.
One of the Easter Rising in 1916. This has been argued to be a turning point in the change of nationalism as it strengthened the political hand of Sinn Fein which signalled a new change in the course of Irish Nationalism. The aftermath of the rising gave encouragement for mass support for revolutionary nationalist cause, concentrated in the South. It gave legitimate support to the nationalist movement as the next election result was an overwhelming victory for Sinn Fein winning 73 seats. This gave the rebels credibility in their struggle against British rule and as Paul Adelman states “the rebels were given moral credence, and Irish nationalists were able to ignore the fact that in some ways the Rising had been a fiasco” (6). The key effect this rising had on nationalism was that it ushered in the new era of Sinn Fein but also, in effect, ended the regime of the Irish Parliamentary Party. As F.S.L.Lyon put it “constitutional nationalism became the chief casualty of 1916”, (7) and in its place Sinn Fein came to occupy the place formerly held by the Irish Parliamentary Party as the dominant political force in Ireland, creating a politically legitimised group that was devoted to Irish Rule. This rising is one of the few nationalist major events that weren’t hugely influenced by the Great Famine, and due to this it can be argued that the Easter Rising was a key turning point in the change of nationalism.
Arguably one of the biggest turning points in Irish history as well as changing Irish nationalism was the Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921. This is claimed to be a key turning point as it finally resolved a majority of issues that had dogged the Irish since 1800. It gave the South the chance to govern themselves as it did for the North. This was seen to most as the best compromise the Irish would receive, and as Alvin Jackson quotes “the Treaty itself represented a spectacular advance on anything that had been offered before as a maximum any British government could possibly have conceded at the time” (8). Even so, it split the Irish nationalists as some saw the treaty as a compromise that violated their commitment to a united Republic Ireland. This not only caused a change in nationalist motives as the country would soon fall into a full scale civil war, but it also caused a shift in the effectiveness of the Treaty as it seemed that Ireland needed to be controlled for its own benefit in order to maintain the peace. But in June 1922, a general election gave Michael Collin’s compromise a convincing majority, and thus the credibility of the popular nationalist movement, and thus Eamon de Valera and his “traitors”, as Collins put it, formed the anti-treaty faction, creating the first major split in Irish nationalist history. This change in nationalism also was not hugely influenced by the Great Famine, and thus this can be argued to be a key turning point as it is effects Irish nationalism independently.
Finally one of the biggest changes in Irish nationalism came before the Great Famine even occurred. Catholic Emancipation has been argued to be the key turning point in nationalism changing as not only did it give the Catholics in Ireland more of a political presence but it also helped to create a successful campaign for Daniel O’Connell. It was seen to be a consistent pain for those in the British government, as Richard English said “Once emancipation failed to materialise directly after the Union, the Catholic issue inevitably became something of a running sore” (9). It opened the door to a possible Catholic run Ireland, and this changed the view of nationalists that self-rule was a fantasy, and it came closer to reality. It was described to be a blow to “Protestant Ascendancy’s” monopoly on power as it opened up opportunities for Catholic advancement in politics, and government services. But it seemed to have limited impact on the electoral system until at least 1852. It also had little impact on the religious situation until Gladstone’s passing of the Disestablishment and Disendowment of the Church of Ireland Act in 1869. Fundamental change in Ireland after 1829 was slow after the passing of the act, and even though it was seen as a Catholic victory, sectarianism actually increased. These limitations on the Emancipation may damage its credibility of it being a turning point but, seeing it was one the first big acts to be passed by a very anti-Irish government, it can also be said that his was the start of Home Rule ascendency, and as Daniel O’Connell quoted it was “one of the greatest triumphs in recorded history – a bloodless revolution” (10). As this occurred before the Great Famine it could be said to be the most independent turning point for nationalism as it seemed to occur through motives without a clear triggering-cause, thus meaning it was simply a first in the beginning of the nationalist movement.
So to conclude, having considered the change in Irish nationalism over the period from 1815 to 1922, one might argue that the Great Famine was a major turning point in the change of Irish nationalism due to the demographic and cultural damage it caused on the Catholic classes which endorsed them to come together and form a strong and unified political movement that would become very important in the direction of Irish nationalism, but it would be wrong to say that this was the key turning point in Irish nationalism Catholic Emancipation not only was not at all influenced by the Great Famine as it occurred before, but it signalled the first major concession of the British government towards the Catholic South and also set the way for further ambitions to be accomplished and gave the Irish nationalist movement a huge supportive basis in which to carry on the campaign.