ANTH 300 Assignment 1 Emily Senger.

Why do people of the Cauca Valley not allege that women working for wages on sugarcane plantations partake in devil pacts?

The women working on sugar plantations in the Cauca Valley were not accused of taking part in devil contracts as these pacts were more so aligned with male production roles, where men “enter into contracts with the devil in order to increase their production and hence their wage” (13). Women’s roles came from the principle of “oeconomia”, which gave them the responsibility of caregiving and providing stability. The “household economy” upholds values over wealth, unlike wage labour and production (118). The money made from these devil pacts is seen to be harmful, which is incompatible …show more content…
The owners then forced these individuals into wage-labour on plantations that they became dependent on for simple survival, confining them to the control of these landowners. The labourers were subject to exploitative conditions of capitalism, which is a key focus in Marxist theory (70-71).

Accumulation of wealth, interest-bearing capital, and wage labour weren’t considered to be natural/normal. They were naturalised with the arrival of capitalism. Give an example from the book that supports the unnatural state of accumulation in pre-capitalist times.

Wealth accumulation was seen as unnatural in pre-capitalist times. Resources were instead shared communally, and we can see this example in the book through systems like Minga, festival labour and teamwork (71). This was a reciprocal exchange in which labour is basically traded for labour at another time. This places values of community welfare and social bonds over individual gain which was introduced by capitalism. “Natural” wealth accumulation shifted the view from collective to individual, which was a consequential change to traditional practices …show more content…
Respect of the natural forces is an essential part of living harmoniously in communal life (155). After the introduction of capitalist structures into society, these spirits picked up an exploitative and malevolent role. Taussig says, “The culture of conquest and the Indigenous culture have fused to form an antagonistic structure of opposition” (156). This shift represents the rather disruptive nature of capitalism.

On page 193, drawing on Levi-Strauss, Taussig writes that goods exchanged in premarket societies are “total social facts.” What does this mean?

Taussig draws on Levi-Strauss’ ideas and places “total social facts” as the additional value that goods hold beyond use. These goods in premarket societies are embedded with cultural, social and moral values which uphold and reinforce bonds and communal responsibilities. “Reciprocal gift exchange also implies and creates social amity by making individuals partners; thereby, it adds a new quality to the value exchanged” (193). These “total social facts” were valued for maintaining and creating relationships, not just utility.

Arguing that the spirit owner of the mines mediates gift exchange and commodity exchange, on page 225, Taussig writes “his [the spirit owner’s] reality presages the end to all reality as he steps forth in the status of commodity.” What is the reality whose end he