...Thatcherism was the name given to the type of policies that were put in place, by the then prime minister Margaret Thatcher. The policies primarily involved the idea monetarism, privatization, and strong law and order. Thatcherism put emphasis on the government controlling the amount of money that was in circulation in Britain, so that inflation was kept at a steady level and so it was not a hindrance to economic growth. Moreover, it also involved getting the public sector opened up, so that the private sector could get involved in it. This was done in order to once again stimulate economic growth and create jobs, as private firms run more efficiently than public ones, which allows them to employ more people and so there is more money being spent in the economy. Lastly, Thatcher also put strong emphasis on strict law and order. She believed better law enforcement would therefore create a stronger country. However, when David Cameron came to power, unlike many previous leaders, he was quick to question many of the key ideas of Thatcherism; but it has been widely debated that although he was quick to dismiss them, these ideas of Thatcherism may still be present in the current conservative party. In terms of economic policies, there still seems to be an air of Thatcherism within David Cameron’s Conservative Party. The fact that Cameron has centred his economic policy around massively reducing public spending, and his wish to see the state hand over certain responsibilities to...
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...Has the Conservative Party abandoned ‘Thatcherism’? Thatcherism was the name given to the type of policies that were put in place, by the then prime minister Margaret Thatcher. The policies primarily involved the idea monetarism, privatization, and strong law and order. Thatcherism put emphasis on the government controlling the amount of money that was in circulation in Britain, so that inflation was kept at a steady level and so it was not a hindrance to economic growth. Moreover, it also involved getting the public sector opened up, so that the private sector could get involved in it. This was done in order to once again stimulate economic growth and create jobs, as private firms run more efficiently than public ones, which allows them to employ more people and so there is more money being spent in the economy. Lastly, Thatcher also put strong emphasis on strict law and order. She believed better law enforcement would therefore create a stronger country. However, when David Cameron came to power, unlike many previous leaders, he was quick to question many of the key ideas of Thatcherism; but it has been widely debated that although he was quick to dismiss them, these ideas of Thatcherism may still be present in the current conservative party. In terms of economic policies, there still seems to be an air of Thatcherism within David Cameron’s Conservative Party. The fact that Cameron has centred his economic policy around massively reducing public spending, and his wish to...
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...This maybe by informing the public about major current problems and how the party would solve the problems. Campaigning can take the form of speeches, political broadcasts and door to door campaigning. Parties also have organisation. They have a structured hierarchy with the most powerful people at the top. There is a leader such as Gordon Brown for Labour, then senior members, which in a government would be the cabinet. Then there are lower MPs and also whips to enforce party policy. 2. Explain Three ways in which ‘new’ labour differs from ‘old’ labour. 10 marks New Labour removed clause IV from its constitution. This was a reference to common ownership and so removal of old labour policy of nationalisation. Old labour’s core socialist value of common ownership meant that everyone had a share in business and so an equal share of rewards and input. New Labour, however, has adopted capitalist ideas of a free market with private businesses. There were even talks of part-privatisation of the royal mail. New labour has also abandoned its socialist core value of class. This was that they fought for the rights of the working class alone and believed that over time there should be no classes. They rejected the idea of Natural Order. New Labour has largely abandoned this ideology in pursuit of political power. To gain office New Labour needed votes from all levels of society and so introduced policies to please all different classes in Britain. New Labour has also become less...
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...To what extent have the modern Conservative Party abandoned their traditional policies? Conservatism is a state of mind or political movement which is natural adverse to excessive change and reform and generally supports the retention of traditional values and institutes. The current Conservative government however is more in the centre rather than further to the right, due to the new tradition that emerged in the 1790’s, under Margaret Thatcher called New Right conservatism, or Thatcherism. There is great debate as to whether the modern conservative party have retained any of their traditional, original policies. One way in which the modern Conservative party has abandoned its traditional policies is the role the state takes in the country. Traditionally the role of the state was limited, with little economic or social intervention, linking directly with the Conservative idea of change should be avoided, however the modern Conservative party has taken the view that the state places a key part in increasing opportunities and reducing poverty, with less regulation at a local level. This directly abandons the traditional policies as this policy aims for the state to help socially - through reducing poverty and economically - through acting more quickly on things. This can be seen as a good thing however, as people prefer to see the government taking a more involved effort, which is not what the traditional policies of the Conservative party believed the role of state should...
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...Is Thatcherism Best Described as a Revolt Against the Post-war Consensus? There is great disagreement over the value of the achievements of the Conservative governments under Mrs Thatcher, but whether it is seen as successful or a failure, most acknowledge that the advent of ‘Thatcherism’ was a major turning point in the recent political, social and economic history of Britain. The 1979 general election was in many ways the most significant since the end of the war, as it signalled the comprehensive end of what became known as the Post-war Consensus, changing fundamentally the way in which the country was governed. To understand whether Thatcherism was a reaction against this consensus we have to first understand what the consensus was - and why it ended. The consensus emerged in the difficult but optimistic years following the war. It came at least partly from a desire to create the "New Jerusalem", creating social and economic progress from victory. It was in a sense a reaction against the ‘consensus’ that went before, that of a generally non-interventionist government, which was discredited by the memory of the 1930s. The consensus, inaugurated by the policies of the 1945-51 Labour government, marked a great increase in the role of government in peacetime economy and society, something which remained generally unchallenged for decades by successive governments. This does not mean that there was no disagreement between parties and nothing was at stake at elections, as...
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...Thatcher revolutionised the Conservative party, bringing life back into what many felt was a tired Tory party. She was dogmatic rather than pragmatic, she believed in the value of the individual and she was a strong advocate of the free market economy. She irrevocably changed the Conservative party and politics. Leaders since her may have felt they were living in her shadow – none of them would dare publically question her, and many of her ideals have stuck. Even Labour accepted some of her policies, such as anti-trade union laws and privatisation. However, she also bred bitterness, so Cameronist politics cautiously echo Thatcherism, whilst trying to appeal to a wider audience. Cameron respected Thatcher rather than worshipped her – he set about what the media called “detoxifying” the Tories, but he still shared many core values with Thatcher. Cameron faces a different backdrop to Thatcher and his challenge has been to adapt rather than revolutionise – he admired Thatcher but is pragmatic enough to change rather than blindly follow her unshaking beliefs. Cameron’s Conservatism is different to Thatcherism – and although much of it can be put down to the coalition diluting the more hard-line Tory policies, there are many decisions Thatcher would never have taken – again highlighting the difference between Thatcher’s dogmatism and Cameron’s pragmatism. Cameron had also planned to match Labour’s public spending increases from 2010-11 - whilst abandoned the idea shows he is much less...
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...This essay will focus on exploring the changing approaches and attitudes to welfare since the Poor Law, thus establishing the measures introduced or policies implemented to enable society to lead a sustainable livelihood. In addition, it will identify the individuals who were influential in the creation of a welfare state by examining six different concepts, namely: the 1601 Elizabethean Poor Law, The Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, New Liberalism, Fabianism, Thatcherism and Blairism. The removal of monasteries and church welfare led the parliament to pass the first act for the relief of the poor. The 1601 Old Poor Law was a response to the issue of poverty by the state on a national scale, providing relief to the sick/elderly/disabled; able-bodied and children/orphans. Administered by parishes, it “sought to assist the 'settled' poor, who were expected to accept whatever work or relief the parish offered.” (www.victorianweb.org/history/poorlaw/elizpl.html) There is an implication that a safety net was provided for those who had fallen on hard times, however they had no freedom of choice regards the type of employment they took on, their dietary intake, clothing etc. They were reliant on relief and were susceptible to exploitation through cheap labour. “Each parish looked after their own poor and a poor rate was levied on householders” (Moore; 2000). The lack of uniformity in system suggests that treatment and rules differed from parish to parish, however, parishes were likely...
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...Margaret Thatcher and the Conservatives In 1975, Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Conservative Party and began to steer it towards what many have dubbed ÔThatcherismÕ. Margaret Thatcher believed in radical change, individuality, and a strong Government that enforces the law, rather than interfering in the economy. She was also opposed to the welfare state. In many ways, her ideology was broadly similar to classical liberalism, and many theorists see her ideology as neo-liberalism. Under her rule, the Conservatives were no longer truly conservative, as conservatives are usually opposed to too much individualism and liberty, and definitely do not want radical change. However, in terms of morality they remained staunchly conservative, believing strongly in the family and in law and order. It can be said then that the Conservative Party had become economically liberal but morally conservative. The Modern Conservative Party This Classical liberal ideology is still prevalent in todayÕs Conservative Party. Consecutive leaders after Thatcher have all stayed relatively true to her reforms of the party and its ideology, believing in economic classical liberalism. However, in recent times they have struggled to get their message across as supposedly they are liberals, and yet are often against homosexuality, drugs and immigration-ideas which are much more right wing and against the very principles of Liberalism. This has led to a decline in their support, as people do not know...
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...information people had, such as the Beveridge Report, and they wanted the government to respond (Titmuss, 1950). The public pushed for a greater state intervention to ensure the economic and social wellbeing of the citizens. One of the main policies of the post war consensus was the evolution of the new welfare state which was based on the principles of equal distribution of wealth, equality and the public responsibility for those unable to provide a decent standard of living for themselves. This new collectivist approach covered areas such as education, unemployment, health, housing and poverty that were thought important to overcome to enjoy a reasonable standard of living. The post-war consensus prevailed from 1945 until the election of the Conservative government led by Margaret Thatcher in 1979. Thatcher challenged the welfare state mainly through privatisation of UK services and abolishment of the Keynesian full employment practice. This essay will look at how and to what extent the post-war consensus on welfare was challenged during the Thatcher years. The war created a housing problem as many homes were bombed, leaving thousands of people homeless. Following this there was a...
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...and governance is necessary, the UK should maintain its dominance in the financial sector as it has become inherent to British economic culture and offers comparative advantage over other economies. ________________ Political ideology and resulting policies are very influential in promoting or reducing the magnitude of certain economic sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture, mining or financial industries. The remarkable expansion of the British financial sector is therefore a direct result of policies that facilitated and enhanced its growth. ‘[A]ll markets are socially and politically constructed (…) The appearance of markets, their scope, operation and regulation – and even their all too frequent failure and need of rescue – have inevitably social and political dimensions, influenced by national culture, politics,...
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...n Australia the "New Right" refers to a late 1970s/1980s onward movement both within and outside of the Liberal/National Coalition which advocates economically liberal and increased socially conservative policies (as opposed to the "old right" which advocated economically conservative policies and small-l liberals with more socially liberal views). Unlike the United Kingdom and United States, but like neighbouring New Zealand, the 1980s saw the Australian Labor Party initiate Third Way economic reforms, which bear some familiarity to "New Right" ideology. After the John Howard Coalition defeated 13-year Labor government at the 1996 federal election, economic reforms were taken further, some examples being wholesale labour market deregulation (e.g. WorkChoices), the introduction of a Goods and Services Tax (GST), the privatisation of the telecommunications monopoly Telstra, and sweeping welfare reform including "work for the dole". The H. R. Nicholls Society, a think tank which advocates full workplace deregulation, contains some Liberal MPs as members and is seen to be of the New Right. Economic liberalism, also called economic rationalism in Australia, was first used by Labor's Gough Whitlam.[2] It is a philosophy which tends to advocate a free market economy, increased deregulation, privatisation, lower direct taxation and higher indirect taxation, and a reduction of the size of the welfare state. The politicians favouring New Right ideology were referred to as "dries", while...
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...Press. Hypertext links to other Web locations are for the convenience of users and do not constitute any endorsement or authorisation by Cambridge University Press. Ben Clift, University of Warwick b.m.clift@warwick.ac.uk http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/pais/staff/clift Jim Tomlinson, University of Dundee j.d.Tomlinson@dundee.ac.uk Abstract This article questions prevailing interpretations of New Labour’s political economy. New Labour’s doctrinal statements are analysed to establish to what extent these doctrinal positions involve a repudiation of Keynesianism. Although New Labour has explicitly renounced the ‘fine tuning’ often (somewhat problematically) associated with post-war Keynesian political economy, we argue that they have carved out policy space in which to engage in macroeconomic ‘coarse tuning’ inspired by Keynesian thinking. This capacity to ‘coarse tune’ is precisely what is being sought in New Labour’s quest for credibility through the redesign on the UK macro policy framework and institutions. Our empirical focus on New Labour’s in government since 1997 offers considerable evidence that this search for the capacity to ‘coarse tune’ has been successful. Credible Keynesianism?: New Labour Macroeconomic Policy and the...
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...Edexcel AS Politics Edexcel AS Politics ExamBuster 2009 Introduction to Unit 1- People and Politics Understanding the Examination and Exam Technique Choosing your questions In this unit you are presented with four questions. They are of equal value and each question covers one of the four sections of the specification. These are: Democracy and political participation Party policies and ideas Elections Pressure groups There is no significance to the order in which questions appear. Each question is divided into three sections (a), (b) and (c). When choosing which questions to do, the following principles are recommended: It is almost certain that you will be better off choosing your strongest question to do first. You should choose questions on the basis of how well you can answer the section (c) part. The (c) part carries 25 of the 40 marks available for the whole answer. Do not choose a question simply because you can do part (a) especially well. The (a) question is only worth 5 marks. It would be illogical to choose your strongest (a) part if you cannot do well on section (c). If you cannot decide between several (c) parts, i.e. you can do more than one equally well, make your choice on the basis of part (b) which carries 10 marks. But remember, it is the (c) parts that will determine most what your overall mark will be. So, when you first look at the exam paper, look at the (c) sections first. Assessment Objectives Each question is divided into three sections,...
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...Abstract Raves have historically referred to grass-roots organized, anti-establishment and unlicensed all night dance parties, featuring electronically-produced dance music (EDM), such as techno, house, trance and drum and bass. Since their late 1980s origins in the U.K., raves have gained widespread popularity and transformed dramatically. Consequently, their many cultural traits and behaviors have garnered much sociological interest, which mostly falls into two competing perspectives: cultural studies and public health. In this paper, we review what raves look like today compared to their high point in the 1990s. We then discuss how the cultural studies and public health perspectives define raves and have studied them over time, focusing on the “pet” sociological concepts each has sought to advance. Our analysis of these literatures reveals important differences in rave research by country and over time. We end by discussing the politics associated with the shift in rave research. Introduction Society has been greatly influenced by many alternative scenes, subcultures, or lifestyles oriented around music, youth and young adults (Epstein 1998). Some of the more notable ones include the English punk scene in the 1970s- 1980s, the U.S. jazz (1930s-1940s) and hippie scenes (1970s), and the 1990s rave scenes in the U.K. and U.S. From them have come musical innovation, social identity, fashion and other aesthetic nuances, and mainstream and alternative cultural production...
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...NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION: USE ONLY IN COMPLIANCE WITH COPYRIGHT: DAVID RISSTROM AN INTERPRETATION OF LAW IN CONTEXT Bottomley, S., Gunningham, N. and Parker, S., 1991, Law in Context, The Federation Press, Leichhardt. { } = additional material from lectures. ( ) = my comments. (See ‘x’) refers to book page number. A short (somewhat boring) message from the summary executioner before you dive in; These notes are an interpretation of the book Law in Context and the lectures given as part of the 1991 Course. They are not a satisfactory substitution for reading the text. You are only likely to get the maximum value out of this summary by reading it in conjunction with the text. The question of ‘the law in whose context’ may be worth keeping in mind as you read. This is an interpretation seen through my eyes, not yours. My comments are not unbiased, as it is as equally unlikely that yours may be. So my ‘advice’ is consider what is said here and in the book considering the need to understand the ‘mechanics’ that help make sense of the more involved themes that develop in the book as you progress through Law in Context. The observations, important in their own right, may be particularly useful for seeing how their often ubiquitous expression is taken as ‘normal’ in the areas of wider society, such as in discussions of economics and power. It is unlikely that you will find any ‘right answers’ from this summary, but I do hope it helps you in synthesising...
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