Essay Questions:
How and why do the workplace experiences of employees from non – English speaking backgrounds differ from other workers?
How can, and should, should actor respond to this?
How are these differences manifested, and responded to, in your own workplace?

The workplace experiences of employees from Non–English Speaking Backgrounds (NESB) differ from other workers for a number of reasons. Employment opportunity is a primary reason why individuals emigrate to other countries (de Castro et al. 2006). While employment in a host country has benefits, immigrants often face considerable challenges as they learn and adjust to the norms and values of the host culture. In particular, immigrant workers may face the ‘‘double jeopardy’’ of dealing with stressors related to both working in a new country as well as to living in a new society (de Castro, Gilbert & Takeuchi 2008).

Like other European countries, Australia is also a very attractive destination for migrant workers. Migrants have been part of Australian society and the Australian workforce since colonisation began in 1788. However the migrant population at the time was of a predominantly European background. It was from the mid-nineteen century when Chinese, Pacific Islander, Lebanese, Afghan, Indian and European migrants arrived and settled in Australia. Due to the gradual liberalisation of Australian immigration policies, the ethnic composition of Australian migrants has shifted significantly, bringing in migrants from Southern Europe, Middle East, Asia and South America. Today well over 20% of Australians were born in another country, out of whom more than half came to Australia from non-English speaking countries in Europe, the Middle East, Asia and South America (Dept of Immigration).

This essay will focus on the reasons behind the different workplace experiences of NESB employees; what causes this difference; and what actions and strategies are needed to address these issues. The essay will highlight the issues of NESB migrant workers compared to ESB migrant workers.

Migrants from all over the world call Australia home. They come from different racial, social, economic and linguistic backgrounds. Therefore migrants have very diverse needs and aspirations to fulfil in Australia. Migrant workers face a number of barriers which have great effects when finding and maintaining jobs. These include language barriers, cultural and religious barriers, lack of understanding and experiences in the host country, as well as difficulties with documentation, for example, recognition of qualifications in the host country. Cultural norms play a large part in the mechanics and interpersonal relationships in the workplace. Dr Greet Hofstede’s cultural dimensions (Power/Distance, Individualism, Masculinity, and Uncertainty/Avoidance) provide a framework in understanding why migrants and NESB workers’ experiences are different to other workers (Jones 2007).

For immigrants, the process of host country adaptation may itself be stressful. In addition to work experiences, immigrants also face more general stressors as they acculturate in the host country. For example, acculturative stress is characterized by stressors such as lack of English skills, economic status, and immigration status. Research has found that acculturative stress is associated with distress, anxiety and depression (de Castro, Gilbert & Takeuchi 2008). Unfortunately, exploitation of migrants, and especially NESB workers, has occurred in many countries. For example, a qualitative study by de Castro et al. (2006) conducted in the United States found that workers’ problems were frequently expressed in terms of work organisations, which were defined as the way jobs were designed and managed. This included compensation systems, hiring and firing practices, work hours and schedules, and the physical work environment. Many jobs were inherently dangerous because of exposure to physical, chemical, and biological hazards. Despite the dangerous nature of jobs, workers often reported a lack of safety training, hazard communication, and personal protective equipment (de Castro et al. 2006).

Bertone & Griffin (1992), in their book Immigrant Workers and Trade Unions, refer to Storer’s (1982) four main theoretical perspectives. The first Functionalist perspective is described as the dominant representation of government immigration policies and the general community perceptions of immigration. It stresses the benefits for all parties involved, including the source and host countries, as well as the immigrant themselves. Second is the Marxists perspective. Marxists view immigration as mainly meeting the needs and interests of capital. They argue that immigrants are forced to leave their country mainly by the economic circumstances, and capitalists in the host country use immigrants to divide working class unity and depress wages. Marxists see the recent immigrants as losers in this process, whilst the capitalists and those who hold power and privilege are considered winners. Storer has ‘People for Growth’ as the third perspective. Here the immigration policies of governments are seen as responding to pressure from groups who seek growth at any cost. The fourth perspective according to Storer is ‘People for Undesirable Jobs’. This perspective draws on the work of authors such as Piore (1979) who argue that labour markets are divided into two non-competing primary and secondary segments (Bertone & Griffin 1992). Workers who fall under the primary segment are those with higher educational qualifications, have high levels of job security, good working conditions and prospects of promotion. On the other hand, workers in the secondary segment have little formal education, their jobs are characterised by poor working conditions, low job security and very little chance of advancement. Using 1981 Census data, Storer contends that NESB immigrants are much more likely than Australian-born workers, or immigrants from an English-speaking background, to be working in jobs characteristic of the secondary labour market (Bertone & Griffin 1992).
The lack of English language efficiency is a consistent disadvantage for migrant workers, it is often used as a reason to harass immigrant workers and threaten dismissal. According to the qualitative study conducted by de Castro et al. (2006), some workers said they were forced to sign a document written in English without knowing what it said. Others were told not to speak in their native languages. Several workers reported that one employer offered an English as a Second Language (ESL) class and notified non-English-speaking workers that if they did not show any progress, they could be fired (de Castro et al. 2006). It is also important to consider that the majority of immigrant work force is noticeably older than the Australian-born work force. This is because Australian-born workers start their working life in Australia, whereas immigrant workers usually migrate as adults and in most cases have worked in their home countries for a number of years before migrating to another country; this would have a profound effect on their workplace experiences compared to Australian-born workers.
The workplace experiences of non-English speaking background migrant women are a step further than their male counterparts as women have the added responsibilities of unrecognised and unpaid work at home. NESB migrant women are sometimes considered to be cheap labour. Because of the lack the 'human capital' of marketable skills or qualifications, structural and attitudinal racism and sexism and the urgency of their financial needs, NESB women have historically been a cheap, flexible and dispensable source of labour for manufacturing industries in Australia. They have been concentrated in an extremely narrow range of poorly paid and low status occupations which typically involve repetitive, onerous and boring work with little job security and a high risk of occupational injury and disease (Alcorso 1989).
Research indicates that migrant women face a kind of “job ghettoisation” which impedes career progression in the host economy (Fearfull & Kamenou 2006; Pio 2008). Janssens and Zanoni (2005) note that the literature has traditionally disregarded power relations or explained them in individual or interpersonal terms. Indeed, an organisational culture characterised by mono-cultural dominance will tend to keep ethnic employees from a minority at a lower level of the power hierarchy; thus providing little opportunity for them to excel in the structures of power (Syed & Pio 2009). NESB women are predominantly employed at the bottom of work pyramids as production or process workers, with little avenue for advancement (Chataway & Sachs 1990). Traditionally the use of scientific management or 'Fordist' principles of production has been a major factor in the relegation of NESB women workers to a secondary role in the workplace (Stephens & Bertone 1995).

The concept of “emotional labour” applies to the experiences of NESB workers, because management might expect a certain level of emotional labour and require that employees “fit in” with the culture at work (Townsend 2008) sighted in (Werth 2010). Emotional labour is defined as the labour that “requires one to induce or suppress feelings in order to sustain the outward countenance that produces the proper state of mind in others” (Hochschild 1983) sighted in (Werth 2010). Due to their ethnic, racial, religious or cultural background, as well as for fear of job loss, NESB migrant workers try to “fit in” and are therefore constantly involved in Emotional labour. Obtaining support from management and peers may be a goal for workers when they are working towards meeting the emotional labour requirements of the workplace (Werth 2010). Studies of emotional labour concentrate on outcomes such as the task effectiveness of observable behaviours (Ashforth and Humphrey 1993) and the detrimental effects of emotional labour on employees in terms of stress and burnout (Hochschild 1983; Wharton 1999) sighted in (Jocoy, 2003).

Unions play an important role in the workplace experiences of immigrant NESB workers. In their book Immigrant workers and trade unions, Berton and Griffin (1992) refer to the writing of Martin (1978), providing an overview of the historical relationship between trade unions and their NESB members, and the existence of four distinct phases of union response to the growth of immigrant workers. In the first phase of 1948 to 1954, unions tried to woo immigrant worker’s support for political causes. In the second phase of 1955 to 1964, unions and union officials, in keeping with the dominant assimilationist philosophy in Australia, regarded immigrant members indistinguishable from other members. It was in the third phase of 1965 to 1972, when immigrant workers began to assert their presence and were involved in a number of strike actions. During the fourth phase of1973 to 1978, the union’s official treatment of their NESB members became the subject of research and analysis and became the sources of pressure for change. Government and non-government bodies criticised the union’s lack of support for immigrant workers’ rights. It was also during this phase when the first empirical study of the relationship between unions and their NESB members was conducted by Hearn (1974). This study concluded that NESB immigrants were relatively underrepresented in the lines of trade union officials for a number of reasons. Whereas on the positive side, the number of immigrant union officials was rising and some union leaders were attempting to progress NESB issues within trade unions (Berton & Griffin, 1992).

Other research referred to by Berton and Griffin (1992) was conducted by Locus Nicolaou in 1991. Nicolaou conclude that ‘union are not among the organisations that have systematically sought to understand and deal with the problems faced by immigrants in Australia’ (Berton & Griffin 1992). According to this research there are four main charges to support these conclusions:
1 NESB unionists were not adequately represented among union officials.
2 The study showed a lack of awareness among union officials of immigrant needs combined with a ‘high degree of ignorance among Australian union officials about immigrant workers.
3 There was reluctance among union officials to take into account issues specific to sections of their membership. This attitude resulted in, for example, an issue such as the provision of English-on-the-job classes being regarded by some officials as a social rather than an industrial issue.
4 Some union officials hold prejudices and other attitudes that directly or indirectly hinder the progress of policies favouring specific groups of members; in effect, such officials favour assimilationist policies. Further, some of these attitudes were clearly racist – some immigrants, such as Greeks and Italians, are more accepted in union movements than are other immigrants, such as Vietnamese immigrants (Berton &Griffin 1992).

The second part of this essay looks at what can and should be done that will enable employers to bridge the gap. How employers can improve their practices in not only successfully recruiting and retaining migrant workers, but also in providing job satisfaction and positive workplace experiences for immigrant, and in particularly for NESB, workers. The fact is that communication and cultural barriers can have significant adverse outcomes for some groups of migrant workers. However, we also need to keep in mind that not all migrant workers face problems in the workplace. A large number of NESB workers speak English very well and have no problem in assimilating into the workplace. However, we cannot assume that everyone “thinks the same way we do” and that migrant workers should be able to naturally assimilate. The reality is that language and cultural barriers and misunderstandings can get in the way of effective communication and create complications in the workplace (Morris 2002).

Ethnic diversity is a global reality and it is important for employers to recognise, learn and understand that there are language barriers and cultural differences among workers from different cultural backgrounds, and that these differences will have profound effects on the workplace experiences of employees. Ultimately, it will help businesses remain competitive by maintaining a stable, productive and safe workforce, Morris (2002). There are many diverse cultural nuances, yet it not possible for us to learn everything about different cultures. However there are numerous resources available for individuals, organisations and employers to learn more about specific cultures. The benefits to employers of investing time and resources in helping immigrant workers adapt to the workplace include increased productivity and performance, greater trust and loyalty among workers and improved safety. This can translate into higher business profits in the long run (Morris 2002).

Gaining the trust and respect of their employees will always benefit the employer. Employers have much to gain from helping their workers bridge the cultural divide. All too many employers have the “sink or swim” attitude, expecting immigrant workers to figure things out for themselves, which does not work in many cases, nor is it a wise business decision, Carol Morris, 2002. In her research on ‘Barriers to Successful Employment in Charlotte-Mecklenburg’ Morris (2002) highlighted the following tips or suggestions from Human Resource professionals to employers who want to strengthen and retain their immigrant workforce:
• Learn as much as you can about the culture of the people you are dealing with.
• Recognize the broad ethnic diversity that exists within groups.
• Respect individual differences, abilities and personalities.
• Provide an orientation program for new hires that addresses some of the cultural differences and language barriers.
• Consider having co-workers serve as mentors or coaches.
• When working with immigrants, refrain from using jargon or slang.
• When training immigrant employees, make sure they understand your training material and why it is useful to them.
• Never assume your communications with someone with limited English-speaking abilities has been understood.
• Be patient. A thoughtful supervisor or co-worker can make all the difference in helping prevent feelings of inadequacy and embarrassment when a person cannot express him or herself clearly or fully.
• Recruit bilingual managers and supervisors to serve as the communication link between cultures and/or engage co-workers to serve as translators while people are learning English.
• If you have a number of people in need of learning English, consider partnering with Central Piedmont Community College to offer on-site English as a Second Language (ESL) classes.
• Help workers take care of their basic survival needs.
• Provide sensitivity training to native workers.
• Promote immigrants when appropriate.
• Keep current on immigration regulations.
(Morris 2002).
It is only in the last 30 years that there have been some legal and policy frameworks around Diversity Management such as the Racial Discrimination Act 1975, Sexual Discrimination Act 1984, Anti-Discrimination Act 1991, and the Disability Discrimination Act 1992. Multicultural policies at the State and Federal level also address the issues of diversity management.

The third part of this essay will focus on Queensland Health and will highlight how these differences are addressed in Queensland Health as my workplace. To address these issues, health services provided by Queensland Health need to be culturally appropriate, responsive and safe. To achieve this outcome requires a multi-pronged approach from all levels of Queensland Health’s corporate and clinical structures; and includes training staff on how to be culturally competent health care providers, policy makers, service planners and health administrative workers. In order to promote and facilitate an effective multicultural working environment, QH has a Multicultural Policy Statement and all staff are bound by the Code Of Conduct. Multicultural Cross Cultural training is provided for all staff. A multicultural awareness session is provided to all staff at orientation. The district is involved in celebrating Equity and Diversity Week. A state-wide Interpreter Service was established in 2007 for staff to have an easy access to interpreters when needed. QH has the services of a confidential Employment Assistance Program (EAS), and Workplace Equity & Harassment Officers (WEHO) available to all staff that provides one on one and group support to staff when needed.

In conclusion, this essay has addressed and highlighted that language and cultural barriers effects the workplace experiences of NESB immigrant workers. When a person speaks little English, he/she can be intimidated and frustrated trying to communicate with English-speaking supervisors or co-workers (Morris, 2002). Attitudinal barriers, biases and stereotyping by co-workers, supervisors and managers can hinder the ability of a business to recruit and successfully employ immigrant workers (Morris, 2002). Systemic barriers such as employment policies, practices and systems can have an adverse affect on certain groups (Morris 2002).

The fact is that ethnic diversity is part of the new global reality of the workplace. It is important for organisation at all levels, for employers and for the business community as a whole, to gain a better understanding of and sensitivity to language barriers and cultural differences among workers from all backgrounds. This is a sensitive issue because we are dealing with people feelings and emotions. In the past 30 years significant amount of work has been done at the government, union and private industry level. However we are still a long way away from bridging the gaps, there is a great need for significant research and resource investment in this area.

REFERENCES
Alcorso, Caroline 1989, Newly Arrived Immigrant Women in the Work Force: A Report for the Office of Multicultural Affairs Wollongong, Centre for Multicultural Studies, University of Wollongong, 1989, pp 10-24.

Ashforth, B. E. and Humphrey, R. H. (1993) 'Emotional Labor in Service Roles: The Influence of Identity', The Academy of Management Review, 18(1). In Jocoy, Christine L. 2003, Vying for hearts and minds: emotional labour as management control, Magazine/Journal of Labour & Industry 13.3, viewed 24 April 2011, http://libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/login?url=http://search.proquest.com.libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/docview/228391255?accountid=14543

Bertone, S & Griffin, G 1992, Immigrant workers and trade unions, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, Australia.

Chataway, G. & Sachs, J. 1990, Women in Manufacturing. [Final] Report on the Status of Women in the Australian Manufacturing Industry, Australian Manufacturing Council, Melbourne. In Stephens, J & Bertone, S 1995, ‘Manufacturing uncertainty – non-English-speaking-background women and training’, Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research,

de Castro, AB, Fujishiro, K, Sweitzer, E & Oliva, J 2006, ‘How immigrant workers experience workplace problems: A qualitative study’, Archives of Environmental & Occupational Health, 61, 6, 249-258,

Hochschild, A. 1983, The managed heart: commercialisation of human feeling, Berkeley, University of California. In Werth, S, 2010, Stigma, stress and emotional labour: experiences of women with chronic illness at work, University of Southern Queensland, viewed 02 April 2011, https://learning.secure.griffith.edu.au/webapps/portal/frameset.jsp?tab=courses&url=/bin/common/course.pl?course_id=_93571_1&frame=top Janssens, M., & Zanoni, P. 2005. Many diversities for many services: Theorizing diversity (management) in service companies. Human Relations, 58(3): 311–340. In Syed, J & Pio, E 2009, ‘Veiled diversity? Workplace experiences of muslim women in Australia’, Asia Pacific Journal of Management, 27, 115-197, viewed 27 March 2011, http://libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/login?url=http://search.proquest.com.libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/docview/228391255?accountid=14543

Jocoy, Christine L. 2003, Vying for hearts and minds: emotional labour as management control, Magazine/Journal of Labour & Industry 13.3, viewed 24 April 2011, http://libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/login?url=http://search.proquest.com.libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/docview/228391255?accountid=14543

Jones, M. L.: ‘Hofstede - Culturally questionable?’ 2007. Faculty of Commerce – Papers University of Wollongong, viewed 25 April 2011, http://ro.uow.edu.au/commpapers/370

Kamenou, N., & Fearfull, A. 2006. Ethnic minority women: A lost voice in HRM. Human Resource Management Journal, 16(2): 154–172. In Syed, J & Pio, E 2009, ‘Veiled diversity? Workplace experiences of muslim women in Australia’, Asia Pacific Journal of Management, 27, 115-197, viewed 27 March 2011, http://libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/login?url=http://search.proquest.com.libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/docview/228391255?accountid=14543

Martin, J 1978, The migrant presence: Australian responses 1947–1977, Allen & Unwin, Sydney. In Bertone, S & Griffin, G 1992, Immigrant workers and trade unions, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, Australia.

Moris, C 2002, Cultural and language barriers in the workplace: Third in a Series of Workforce Development Board Position Papers on Barriers to Successful Employment in Charlotte-Mecklenburg, viewed 15 March 2011, www.charlotteworks.org/clbpositionpaper.pdf
National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia Viewed 03 April 2011 http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/multicultural/agenda/agenda89/australi.htm Nicolaou, L 1991, ‘Australian union and immigrant workers’, Allen & Unwin Sydney. In Bertone, S & Griffin, G 1992, Immigrant workers and trade unions, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, Australia.

Pio, E 2008, Sari: Indian women at work in New Zealand. Wellington: Dunmore. In Syed, J & Pio, E 2009, ‘Veiled diversity? Workplace experiences of muslim women in Australia’, Asia Pacific Journal of Management, 27, 115-197, viewed 27 March 2011, http://libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/login?url=http://search.proquest.com.libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/docview/228391255?accountid=14543

Piore, M. J 1979, Birds of Passage, Cambridge University Press, Boston. In Bertone, S & Griffin, G 1992, Immigrant workers and trade unions, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, Australia.

Syed, J & Pio, E 2009, ‘Veiled diversity? Workplace experiences of muslim women in Australia’, Asia Pacific Journal of Management, 27, 115-197.

Stephens, J & Bertone, S 1995, ‘Manufacturing uncertainty – non-English-speaking-background women and training’, Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research,

Townsend, K 2008, Do production employees engage in emotional labour? Journal of Industrial Relations, 50, 1, 175-180. In Werth, S 2010, Stigma, stress and emotional labour: experiences of women with chronic illness at work, University of Southern Queensland, viewed 27 April 2011, https://learning.secure.griffith.edu.au/webapps/portal/frameset.jsp?tab=courses&url=/bin/common/course.pl?course_id=_93571_1&frame=top Wharton, A. S 1999 'The psychosocial consequences of emotional labor', The Annals Of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 158-176. In Jocoy, Christine L. 2003, Vying for hearts and minds: emotional labour as management control, Magazine/Journal of Labour & Industry 13.3., viewed 24 April 2011, http://libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/login?url=http://search.proquest.com.libraryproxy.griffith.edu.au/docview/228391255?accountid=14543