Managing a Migrant Diaspora
Poli 328
Peter McCauley - 260453861

As Europe becomes increasingly open, and its internal makeup begins to change, an important light has been shone on the internal identity politics of a swiftly changing continent. As the EU adapts its policy, borders, and even membership, the internal cleavages become increasingly pronounced. None more so than relations with European Muslims. This paper will examine identity politics as it relates to European civilization formation, looking at how Muslim political aspirations compare with those of other minority groups, as well as the changing face of Muslim political organizations and their role in changing perceptions.

In determining the extent of Islamic challenges in Europe, it is important to understand how Muslim desires for identity recognition and respect compare to similar desires by other minority groups, as well as what constitutes equality in the contemporary epoch. Attitudes towards race and identity have developed beyond a mere colour blindness, towards a what has been termed “positive racial explicitness,” that is, taking pride in previously marginalized identities or in creating new identities as “a way of negotiating a position of equality and dignity” in today’s world. This hasn’t been limited to ethnic minorities either, but can be viewed in the identity politics of LGBT and feminist movements, especially in places where class politics have declined in salience. What is it that these movements expect and aim for? Iris Young described the ideal of equality as not simply being permission for minorities to follow the norms of dominant culture, but rather that “a positive self-definition of group difference is in fact more liberat[ing].” This leads to two interrelated conceptions of equality as they relate to the effective exercise of citizenship. On the one hand, everyone has the right to assimilate to the majority culture in the public sphere with toleration of difference in the private sphere; this has been the typical immigrant experience of the past. On the other hand, equality is also the right to have ones difference recognized and supported in both the public and private spheres. While the second conception of equality is relatively new, these are not mutually exclusive ideals, and both are important to the effective exercise of citizenship; the classical conception holds that participation in the national culture is necessary for citizenship, while the second demonstrates that the exclusion of groups from said culture diminishes ones capacity to belong to a nation. From this, we can extrapolate that both of these conceptions can exist side by side, so long as the dominant culture is understanding of the citizenry’s right to “widen and adapt the national culture and the public and media symbols of national membership to include the relevant minority identities.”
How does this translate to direct policy implementation? This section of the paper will continue to examine the similarities between what is sought by Muslim immigrants, and the desires expressed by other minority European groups. The principal desire of any minority group is to be free from discrimination, to not let ones membership to any group or colour of skin disfavour them from employment or treat them differently than a member of a different group. The secondary desire of minority groups is to be treated equally as compared to the native religion; if Protestants or Catholics receive certain advantages over other groups, this should be extended to the immigrant religions as well. While numerical equality is effectively impossible, even-handed treatment means treating both groups in much the same fashion, giving them the same rights to enjoy public resources. The final desire on the part of immigrant groups is positive inclusion in the broader society. One of the key ways that equality is measured is the extent to which all types of people are receiving benefits and opportunities provided by the state. Consider that rates of gender employment have long been monitored in the EU as an important political criterion; why is this not extended to religious groups as well, especially as immigrant populations continue to expand. Consider the BBC, which considers the hiring of women and minority ethnic groups to be of political import, as it allows for more representative programming and allows for a more holistic, equal review of its content. If the reasoning behind affirmative action for women and minority groups is that it improves representation of the country, and actively benefits its materials, then logically this should be extended to the largest minority religion in all of Europe. This is not a specifically Muslim function, but it goes a long way to demonstrating how the perceived strained relations between Europe and Islam are not unique to this one particular religious group, but rather are representative of broader minority interactions with the dominant culture.

In order to understand the interactions between Muslim immigrants and Europeans, one must understand how these two groups view each other, and how their expectations of the opposite group inform their actions. This is difficult, as both Muslims and Europeans, and European Muslims, run the gamut of individual behaviours and are not especially homogenous groups. It is actually this very phenomenon that contributes to perceived tension between them, as both groups are currently in the midst of forming a group identity. Tariq Madood posits that Muslims immigrating to Europe are under considerable pressure to both preserve their cultural heritage, as well as fit into their new circumstances, two different urges at polar ends of possibility. He notes that, while many Muslims are “vociferously challenging the negative perceptions” of their people, they are not challenging that other key assumption made on the part of Europeans, “the underlying logic that Muslims are a group.” Indeed, if one examines the Quranic text closely, it will reveal that there are three approaches prescribed for Muslims who find themselves practicing a minority religion in foreign lands; to partially or completely reject the culture of the majority in favour of Islamic enclaves with minimal contact with other faiths; to abandon the strict practice of Islam as it is described in the Quran so as to assimilate more readily with the dominant culture; or to adapt their practice of Islam to the norms of the domestic context in a way that benefits minority-majority relations but does not subvert the core principles of Islam. From this, one can gather that there are as many ways to practice Islam in a foreign land as there are practitioners of it, one of the main sources of tension between Muslims and non-Muslims. Over different eras, immigrating Muslims have adopted different approaches dependent on the national context of the period. The most significant of these, and the most pertinent for this research question, is the immediate post-war period, with Europe in omnishambles. At this stage, the contribution of Muslim guest workers was invaluable in the rebuilding efforts post-war. In order to effectively work in Europe, it was common for Muslim workers to adopt the second approach, in order to be as imperceptible as possible. As they did not anticipate a long stay on the continent, they were “satisfied with a low-profile religious presence.” However, with these jobs came economic stability for the workers, which in turn encouraged them to migrate to Europe permanently and bring their families with them. So, in the 1970’s and 80’s there was a swift transition to the first mode of thinking, shifting instead to an enclaved structure, keeping themselves separate from the dominant culture and retreating inward. This would go a long way to stunting the formation of a Euro-Islamic identity. If we examine the type of associations this first wave of immigrant belonged, we can see that their early political activities were largely based on their length of stay, links to the motherland, and practical legal advice. These types of associations were geared towards things like family reunification and remittances, and were poorly equipped to shift towards assisting Muslim immigrants with settling in a new country. This fuels a common misconception about Muslims in Europe; that they are there solely to work temporarily and then return to their country of origin. This has already been shown to be false, that the new pattern of immigration amongst Muslims to Europe is more permanent and geared towards long term integration. As a result of having political organizations such as these, which were not focused on long-term settlement, there has been little change in the political and representative rights of third country migrants, immigrants, and non-national citizens. Many European states have special reduced benefits for unemployed residents, and have eased cross-border travel and economic transactions, but many of these do not apply to those without EU passports. While these are boons to Muslims holding EU passports, little has been done to remedy the dearth of civil liberties. This can be seen as a direct result of apolitical Muslim associations that were more concerned with economic transactions with the home country than establishing a safety net for Muslim immigrants. While these groups of the past have had influence on today, they are no longer the main political groupings for Muslims in Europe. Muslim associationalism is at an all-time high, with many civic groups orienting themselves away from connections to the old country and instead have focused on a “new structure of national umbrella associations capable of representing a pragmatic and de-ethnicized Muslim voice geared to the European reality.” These groups are more focused on increasing Muslim participation in national politics and creating sustained integration without sacrificing the core principles of Islam. One reason for this is the increased diversity of immigrants; as international borders loosen and means of transportation have become more powerful, immigrants from the world over are flocking to Europe. While historically this may have resulted in a fractious Muslim voice in Europe, but as the “myth of return” has been increasingly dispelled, these groups have focused more on sustained integration. This attitude can be viewed as being indicative of the third approach discussed above, where the importance is placed on maintaining Islam, but in a form that has adapted to the customs of the dominant culture; “Islam with national characteristics of the state. While many Muslim political organizations have billed themselves as transnational communities, they have national characteristics and work to demonstrate how their beliefs may fit into a European context, as it relates to the nation they reside in, a stark contrast to the organizations of the past. The President of the Central Council of Muslims in Germany described how there is a new need to create “our identity as Muslims in Germany, as German Muslims.” Groups such as the Central Council have come to understand a key feature of European politics and adapted to it for their own use; that European society is highly organized and that state-local interactions are generally established through formalized channels, such as special-interest groups. This has proven the most effective means of ensuring positive change. Most of these groups have moved beyond nationalistic ties, instead focusing on a common Muslim identity in Europe. These groups, as a result of increased immigration and their focus on common identity, are quick to adopt the lingua franca of the state they reside in, both as a means of easing interaction between its members, as well as a show of commitment to their new places of residence.
This work is, however, under fire from another source of influence; foreign Imams residing in Europe. As a result of foreign financing, often the only means for Muslim Europeans to engage in their spiritual roots is through mosques and Imams that are foreign and geared toward a more traditional Islamic mindset. This can often prove counterproductive to efforts to incorporate Muslims into European culture, as the foreign imams are rarely skilled in the dominant language of the state, and thus are less able to interact with the younger generations for whom that is their only language. Interestingly, out of a desire to curb Islamism in Europe, many states have broken with their secular views in order to fund local imams and build local mosques, both as a means to curb domestic terrorism, as well as to increase local participation in the dominant state. The Dutch government requires foreign imams to take acculturation classes, while France has a standing relationship with many of the Muslim political groups to develop imam training programs.
Ultimately, the “Islamic problem” of Europe is greatly overstated, and to a large extent is born of a misunderstanding of the “new line” of Muslim politics in Europe, and largely based on outdated assertions. Most Muslim immigrants of today are focused on living in Europe long term, with a focus on adapting to newer cultures.

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