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Globalisation, Societies and Education
Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cgse20 The role of English language and international media as agents of cultural globalisation and their impact on identity formation in Kuwait a b

Mohammed M. Hasanen , Ali A. Al-Kandari & Hussain Al-Sharoufi

c

a

Department of Political Sciences, Gulf University for Sciences and Technology, Hawally, Kuwait b Research & Development Office, Gulf University for Sciences and
Technology, Hawally, Kuwait c Click for updates

Department of English, Gulf University for Sciences and
Technology, Hawally, Kuwait
Published online: 13 Jan 2014.

To cite this article: Mohammed M. Hasanen, Ali A. Al-Kandari & Hussain Al-Sharoufi (2014) The role of English language and international media as agents of cultural globalisation and their impact on identity formation in Kuwait, Globalisation, Societies and Education, 12:4, 542-563, DOI:
10.1080/14767724.2013.861972
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Globalisation, Societies and Education, 2014
Vol. 12, No. 4, 542–563, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14767724.2013.861972

The role of English language and international media as agents of cultural globalisation and their impact on identity formation in
Kuwait

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Mohammed M. Hasanena*, Ali A. Al-Kandarib and Hussain Al-Sharoufic a Department of Political Sciences, Gulf University for Sciences and Technology, Hawally,
Kuwait; bResearch & Development Office, Gulf University for Sciences and Technology,
Hawally, Kuwait; cDepartment of English, Gulf University for Sciences and Technology,
Hawally, Kuwait
(Received 11 November 2012; accepted 11 October 2013)

This study examines the influence of English language usage and international media on the strength of either national or global identity.
The regression analysis of 354 responses reveals that individuals who studied at universities that use English as a medium of instruction show significant differences in the extent to which they embrace a global identity. Viewing local (Kuwaiti) television programmes and the use of the
Internet predict national identity. This study discusses the social entities that are important factors in mitigating the influence of globalisation on national identity. It concludes that the argument that globalisation and
Westernisation are two faces of the same coin is overstated.
Keywords: globalisation; cultural perspective on globalisation; national and global identities; English language; international media; media cultivation perspective

Interested in its influence on indigenous cultures, scholars have viewed globalisation as the process of reshaping the locality by events and decisions that happen at a distance (Giddens 1990). It is a foreign process that rearranges other cultures, the life courses of other people, what they have inherited and their national identities (Waters 1995), and refers to ‘people’s source of meaning and experience’ (Castells 1997, 6), the ‘undisturbed existential possession [and] inheritance’ (Tomlinson 1999, 25) and the sense of belonging to a nation (Tomlinson 1999). Despite the disquiet that many have expressed over globalisation, which they consider a Western capitalist process, Tomlinson (1991, 174) contends that capitalist modernity is ‘technologically and economically powerful but culturally “weak”’.

*Corresponding author. Email: hasanen.m@gust.edu.kw
© 2014 Taylor & Francis

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Scholars have provided different perspectives that define globalisation. The cultural perspective on globalisation is best suited to unfold the scope and aims of this study, as this perspective offers a comprehensive and complex framework for globalisation that considers the influence of many multidimensional intermediaries (Beck 2000). From a cultural perspective, globalisation refers to the process that sets the stage for the exchange of values and ideas and the meeting of various cultures via diverse cultural and economic means and conduits of communication. Some contend that this process promotes better understanding, interdependency and connection (Albrow
1997; Robertson 1992; Woodward 2002), while others claim it introduces tension between cultures (Della Porta 2006; Holton 1998).
This study explores the impact of using English as the language of instruction in schools, studying in foreign systems of education and the use of international media (e.g., viewing international television programmes and using the Internet) as agents of globalisation, and their influence on the inclination towards a national or a global identity in Kuwait. National identity refers to the collective identity of a nation’s history, geography and culture instilled in the population, resulting in an attachment to the nation (Keillor and
Hult 1999). It is the maintaining of distinguishable patterns of values, symbols, memories, myths and traditions (Smith 2001) that influences the sense of belonging to a community and establishes rights and obligations of citizenship (Lee, Chan, and So 2004). However, due to pressure from various agents of globalisation, scholars have also spoken about global identity as people become more considerate of cultural differences and sensitive to the concerns of others. King (1997, 16) states, ‘The history of the world, rather than moving towards cultural homogenisation, has demonstrated the opposite: a trend to cultural differentiation and cultural complexity’. This is perhaps why scholars like Thompson (1995) present the concept of delocalisation, which means growing up with a global consciousness that diminishes strong ties to a specific place. A person who adopts a global identity embraces an ‘orientation to international experience’ (Guy and Beaman 2004), an openness towards cultural discrepancies and diverse ways of looking at things (Levy et al. 2007) and a ‘willingness to engage with the other’ (Hannerz 1996, 103).
In order to establish definite statistical significance and establish subtle steps in the research that examines the influence of globalisation on different types of identities in the Arab world, this study focuses on national and global identities as two contrasting possibilities. However, it is important to mention that many researchers have explored the possibility of a hybrid cultural identity that emerges when two or more cultural aspects mix. This identity is formed from the incorporation of elements from each culture that create a new identity integrating aspects from the original person and the cultures of others
(Gandhi 1998; Gilroy 1993). To Robertson (1992, 100), a hybrid identity can mix global and local identities. He said that this identity is a ‘twofold process

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involving the interpenetration of the universalisation of particularism and the particularisation of universalism’. Individuals who have this identity can deal with the habits and rituals of their original culture and cope with the practices of other cultures. Those individuals ‘develop the ability to communicate across political, linguistic, and cultural boundaries… [because they occupy] partial identities, multiple roles, and pluralistic selves’ (Smith 2006, 4).
The present study is important, as there are few studies in the literature examining the influence of globalisation on identity formation in Arab cultures, which some scholars (e.g., Patai 2007) consider some of the remaining bastions of cultural resistance, conservatism and traditionalism. In addition, there is a growing desire nowadays to unite the legal, political, economic and cultural modes of belonging. Certainly, such a desire clashes with the wishes of local agents who consider globalisation a form of modern imperialism. This study first reviews the literature. In doing so, it provides an overview of the historical and cultural roots of identity formation in Kuwait and then discusses the cultural perspective on globalisation, the theoretical background this study employs, in connection with identity formation.
Second, it discusses English language and international media as agents of globalisation that influence the formation of identities and presents the research questions. Finally, it describes the methods and results and provides a discussion and conclusion.

Literature review
Identity formation in the era of globalisation: the case of Kuwait
Kuwait is a Middle Eastern state located in the western part of Asia and bordered by Saudi Arabia, Iraq and the Arabian Gulf. Its population is about
2,800,000, of which roughly one million are Kuwaitis. Oil contributes about
95% of the government budget and more than 50% of gross domestic product.
The political system of the country is a constitutional emirate. Kuwait has a freely elected national assembly that enjoys influential political powers that include a veto over the decisions of the Emir and the power to dismiss any cabinet minister from his or her position (Central Intelligence Agency
[CIA] 2011).
For numerous reasons, national identity represents a dilemma, not only in
Kuwait but also in the entire Arab region. Arab societies are a mixture of religious, cultural, ethnic and even linguistic groups. Scholars consider this diversity an obstacle to a coherent national identity (Kumaraswamy 2006).
Historically, Arab states and foreign powers have tried to impose manufactured national identities on the Arabs. Until the early 1900s, the Arabs lived for more than 10 centuries in the entity of the Great Islamic State, where borders and nationalities neither existed nor constituted impediments to the movement of goods, individuals or tribes. Great Britain and France, the

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imperial powers that controlled the region from the early 1900s until the end of the Second World War, demarcated borders in the region. By so doing, they divided the region into more than 20 Arab countries. This division caused the dissection of ethnic and religious groups into different states, resulting in heterogeneous societies.
During the 1950s and 1960s, Arab resentment of foreign occupation increased, along with calls for liberation. Three political groups appeared in connection with national identity: nationalists, who were influenced by the
Western culture and who advocated the concept of the nation-state; panArabists, who called for Arab unity as a strategic option for maintaining the security of the region; and Islamists, who championed the idea of reviving the
Islamic nation and the need for unifying Muslims. Amongst these three stances, national identity has been a contested concept:
In the Middle East, pan-Arab and pan-Islamic identities were a substitute for individual national identities. Unable to transform states into nations, they could opt for trans-state regional identities. They sought to overcome the difficulties of evolving a territory-based national identity by focusing on the common cultural and religious background. The inclusive Arab/Islamic identity thus came into conflict with the exclusive territory-based identity and national interests.
(Kumaraswamy 2006, 69)

Kuwait emerged as an independent sheikhdom after the First World War under the protection of the British Empire. From the 1960s, when Kuwait gained its independence, to 1990, Kuwaiti society was of the mainstream attitude in the region, which mainly supported strong relationships between Arab states. The
Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990, despite lasting only seven months, created a rupture in Kuwaiti relations with Arab countries. To this day, disillusioned
Kuwaitis question the meaning of Arabism or Islamism when Iraq, an Arab and Muslim country, invaded their country, and was supported in that action by some Arab and Islamic governments and people.
The increasing calls for globalisation since the 1990s have complicated the situation even further. With the fall of the communist bloc and the growth of capitalistic liberal global trade, the Kuwaiti government has been supportive of opening the state to foreign investors and Western companies. In the 2000s, more schools adopted the English language in schooling, because of its perceived benefits and influence in commerce, finance and banking. The
Internet, satellite television and other new communication technologies opened the door for more exposure to other cultures’ values and ideas.
Although many Kuwaitis prefer foreign media content, especially American programmes and channels, and want their children to speak English (as they deem it important for future careers), others believe that globalisation is only a means of ‘Americanisation’, ‘Westernisation’ and ‘Imperialism’ that gradually erodes local values, heritage and language (Najjar 2005).

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The cultural perspective on globalisation and the formation of identity
Sklair (1999) believes that the cultural perspective of globalisation minimises the economic aspect and highlights the cultural aspect. This perspective refers to the diffusion of ideas, meanings, values and lifestyles to other nations through the cultural marketing of products, media and communication technologies and is ideological, through the actions of international institutions including legal, political and educational institutions. Unlike determinist approaches to globalisation, which link globalisation to a single cause, this perspective sees globalisation as a multifaceted and complex process of negotiation between local and foreign identities. Throughout this process, a driver of globalisation encounters a set of defences, intermediaries and agents of change where the cultural mechanisms of resistance and accommodation mediate the effects of foreign influence to facilitate, mediate or eliminate the impact of globalisation. This causes people either to reject or adopt a new identity or to embrace a bicultural identity that blends global and national identities. Positivists think that cultural globalisation facilitates an exchange of norms, values and ideas that leads to the adoption of common, universally acceptable principles in commerce, politics and culture, and increases interconnectedness between different nations with the aim of living together in peace and prosperity (Inda and Rosaldo 2002). Pieterse (2009) contends that human integration and the cultural exchange of ideas are not new and that they have their roots in history, as people have more commonalities that bring them together than differences. In the same way, Hopper (2007) states that cultural change, which is brought about by pressure from external and internal agents, is an ongoing process continually recreated as part of human history and that globalisation, therefore, is not something new. Held and McGrew (2007) claim that the hyperglobalist perspective of globalisation, which augments exchange between cultures, makes them become more dynamic, apt to respond to new realities and challenges, and open to new practical ideas meant for the survival and well-being of people.
However, the sceptical perspective, a prominent perspective in current research in globalisation (Held and McGrew 2007), suggests that the cultural exchange of globalisation is unequal, as only the values and lifestyles of liberalism and the economically powerful western nations spread to weak nations. Powerful Western corporations exercise political power through investment and commercial agreements to maximise their profit at the expense of local cultures, which leads to the demolition of these cultures and people’s national identities (Della Porta 2006). Anti-globalisation activists believe that globalisation is a model of Western cultural hegemony rooted in consumer culture and capitalism, as only powerful nations, through international media, can promote their norms, values and lifestyles (Shepard and Hayduk 2002).
Holton (1998, 163) states that, ‘Global processes function to impose Western

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cultural imperialism on the non-Western world. Such Western traits are taken to include capitalism and the profit-centered market economy, democratic politics, secular thought embodied in scientific reason, individualism, and human rights’. This Western domination increases discrepancies and tension between cultures. Kilminster (1998, 110) states that people of other cultures will not remain quiet in the face of this cultural invasion. He maintains,
‘[A] counter-current has arisen in opposition to the intermingling of Western and traditional attitudes and behaviour’. In response, anti-globalisation movements stress the protection of indigenous cultures and establishing measures that promote global justice and equality among nations, and that preserve the identity of each culture (Evans 2005).
The above perspectives have mainly been limited to the effects of globalisation. In addition, they view globalisation in a bipolar, contrasting mode of explanation that stresses either the positive or the negative consequences of globalisation. Scholars have also developed the transformationalist perspective, a third, moderate perspective on globalisation that considers globalisation a process more than an effect (Held and McGrew
2007). It sees globalisation as a complex process that receives opposition and sometimes admiration from cultures, national organisations and authorities.
People of a certain culture will neither easily give up their own identities nor simply reject aspects of foreign cultures. Solutions that represent intermediate views, advocated by international and local agents of globalisation, function continuously. In this regard, Robertson (1992, 100) presents glocalisation, a concept that combines two contradictory perspectives, globalisation and localisation. He says we are involved in a ‘twofold process involving the interpenetration of the universalisation of particularism and the particularisation of universalism’.
This study presents cultural globalisation from this perspective, because cultural change and acculturation are multidirectional, multifaceted and prolonged. It is not easy to transform the identities that people have inherited over centuries (Beck 2000) and that have long been shaped by their cultural, social and historical surroundings (Hall 1999). Scholars claim that accommodation is an active mechanism in the process of identity formation. Bochner
(1982) contends that during biculturalism, the process of adapting to a new culture, people learn new mental, physical and cultural skills to encounter and adjust to new cultural settings and influences. People experience negative emotions and conflict causing stress and dissatisfaction with life and their surroundings (Bochner 1994). Resistance is another mechanism that has its roots in the daily activities and rituals in life that reinforce the identity of national belonging maintained by people in everyday cultural practices, transferred heritage and cultural reinforcement by a nation-state’s institutions
(Billig 1995). Castells (1997, 2) thinks that cultural identity is powerful and enables individuals to resist capitalist globalisation, because they want to

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preserve ‘cultural singularity and … [have] control over their lives and environment’. As with other Arabs, the majority of Kuwaitis are proud of their religion, culture and traditions. They welcome the positive outcomes that new global communication technologies bring but dread the diffusion of foreign values and ideas that these technologies introduce. Many religious conservatives warn against these Western technologies that erode the Islamic and cultural values that Kuwaitis have grown up with (Nydell 2005). If Kuwaitis perceive globalisation as a Western concept, they will very likely reject it. ‘Many Arabs refuse any acculturation of Western values that might alter or negatively affect the social structures, status quo and the morality of youth’ (Al-Kandari and
Gaither 2011, 270). Also, if they think that globalisation challenges the teaching of Islam or Arab traditions, they will look at it sceptically. Al-Kandari and Gaither (2011, 272) suggest that innovations and new ideas should be introduced to Arabs in a way that does not contradict their ‘heritage and religion to ease concerns and encourage adoption’.
The English language, an agent of globalisation and the formation of identities A national language serves diverse cultural functions including communication, creating meaning and value and identity transmission, socialisation and in some cases even buttressing familial political solidarity (Gordon 2004).
Adelswärd and Nilholm (2000) and Schiffrin (2002) suggest that language is the safeguard that protects culture and preserves identities against any foreign cultural influence. However, schools in many non-English-speaking nations worldwide have recently adopted English as the language of instruction. Such adoption can lower the standing of local languages at the expense of disseminating foreign values. One hidden effect of using English in schooling is the introduction of a new discourse with not only its own words, phrases and sentences, but also its own emotions and logic that ideologically cause the mindsets of students to lean towards a whole range of foreign cultural values.
Henze and Davis comment on this situation:
Through the forms of education that are documented in this issue, we see that it is much more than language that is being transmitted and acquired; community members, teachers, and students are questioning the very nature of culture and identity. (1999, 7)

In many respects, the global identity has roots in the Western liberal and capitalist ideologies. Fairclough, who believes that free market globalisation is the driving force, comments on:
‘[T]he spread of free market capitalism to virtually every country in the world’
(though one might ask what exception ‘virtually’ implies). It assumes or

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presupposes – simply takes for granted – that globalization is driven by an ‘idea’
(‘free market capitalism’). Most serious literature on globalization represents it as so complex and multifaceted that it seems odd to see it as somehow the effect of a simple idea. But this is what globalist ‘discourse’ does: it represents the highly complex phenomenon of globalization reductively as purely economic, as a particular form of capitalism and a particular view of what capitalism should – must – be like. (2006, 9–10)

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The use of English in instruction can affect the adoption of the global identity, since a communicative behaviour is a reflection and enforcer of a collective ideological order:
Ideologies of language are significant for social as well as linguistic analysis because they are not only about language. Rather, such ideologies envision and enact links of language to group and personal identity, to aesthetics, to morality, and to epistemology. (Woolard and Schieffelin 1994, 55)

Ideological structures are imprinted in language as a reflection of specific subliminal messages of power and control. Such ideological structures play a hidden role in formulating the cultural identity of students being instructed in other languages.
Furthermore, ideological structures formulate linguistic structures, and this is further buttressed by socio-cognitive social processes that are enforced by the British/American native instructors teaching English in other nations.
These instructors enforce the socio-cognitive structures and, as such, contribute to the formulation of a globalised citizenry that is aware of the international ideologies and values. As Wiley contends, a predominant feature of teaching English as a foreign language can extend to creating language policy in education:
Language policy in education as an instrument for the promotion of hegemony has been utilized by nation-states over the course of the past five centuries. The scholar Antonio de Nebrija, through the promotion of his Castilian Grammar, was among the first to advocate for overt instruction in a standardized language as a means of advancing the interests of the state. (Wiley 2008, 229)

Finally, the language policy in international schools weakens national identity and enhances the global identity of students. Graduates of international schools are easily accepted by universities that require a particular level of
English, and this is tested by one of the main international English language proficiency examinations, such as the TOEFL, IELTS, SAT and GRE examinations. The idea behind these international examinations is to see whether candidates are capable of surviving in an environment where language is the channel of cognitive communication. Such examinations test the students’ ability to become part of the international mosaic of a world that accepts a global identity.

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Given the previous literature, Research Question 1 is:

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What influence does the language of instruction (English or Arabic) and system of study (Western or other) have on high school graduates’ disposition to national and global identities (and the disposition of those who study in higher education institutions)?

Identity formation and international media in Kuwait
The cultivation perspective of media effects assumes a correlation between the time spent using the media and media effects (Morgan and Shanahan 2010). It assumes that media – especially television, which emphasises repeated images and specific stereotypes over a long period – eventually reinforces certain types of worldviews and realities in the minds of viewers. When television incessantly portrays politicians as corrupt and the world outside as dangerous and full of crime, viewers who spend a lot of time watching television eventually believe that these depictions are true. Studies (Calzo and Ward
2009; Diefenbach and West 2007; Minnebo and Eggermont 2007) have shown that heavy television viewers who have responded to surveys provide answers that correspond to the view of the world that television depicts. On the other hand, it could be argued that modern media reflect a broad variety of content and thus do not impose a dogmatic, narrow worldview on viewers. However,
Gerbner et al. (2002, 43) respond to this claim by saying that variety comes from ‘novelty effects of styles, stars and plots rather than from changes in program structure and perspective’.
Because of the different nature of Kuwaiti and American television programmes, it is expected that intensive viewing of Kuwaiti television programmes will positively predict national identity, while the viewing of
American programmes will positively predict global identity. Generally,
Kuwaiti media reinforce nationalism, provide a Kuwaiti perspective on issues and interests and emphasise the importance of local culture, heritage and
Islam, which all reflect the nation’s prejudices. In contrast, American television content provides alternative explanations of issues and reflects a different lifestyle that, over time, might encourage Kuwaitis to become accommodating and tolerant of difference and look at things from newer perspectives. These programmes are more likely to show acceptance of different races and backgrounds and liberal values, which represent the core of
Western principles. Abdulrahim, Al-Kandari, and Hasanen (2009) used the cultivation perspective and found that frequent viewers of American television were more likely to endorse equal gender roles and a liberal outlook on life in
Kuwaiti society.
McLuhan (1964) stated that modern communication technologies make communication amongst individuals from different parts of the world possible, and they create a sense of belonging to a smaller ‘global’ village. It could be

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thought that the frequent use of the Internet would negatively predict national identity and positively predict global identity. This is because the Internet provides a forum for diverse perspectives and ideas and connects people of different backgrounds. Sharif and Al-Kandari (2010) found that those who used online bulletin boards were more likely to endorse equal gender roles in the Arabian Gulf region. However, this might not be the case, as some researchers (e.g., Putnam 2000) note that many people view the materials of the World Wide Web to reinforce pre-existing beliefs and access applications to find people who share similar interests and viewpoints.
A study by Beaudoin and Thorson (2006) found a correlation between watching local television news and national pride. In addition, Fairclough
(2006) contends that watching national television develops a kind of naturalisation of discourse. It is anticipated then that people who view local news will have a strong allegiance to a national identity, while those who view international news will embrace a global identity. This is because viewing local news reinforces a person’s micro and specific interests rooted in proximity. Conversely, viewing international news extends the perspective of a person such that they become aware of diversity in opinions and look at the world from different angles.
Based on the previous review, this study poses the following research question: Research Question 2: Which media channels and content (viewing Kuwaiti or
American television programmes, viewing local or international news and the use of the Internet) best predict disposition towards national and global identities? Methods
Sample, sampling procedures and the sample’s profile
In October 2010, a self-administered questionnaire that took about 10 minutes to complete was distributed to students enrolled in general education courses at Gulf University for Science and Technology (GUST) and Kuwait University
(KU). These were introductory courses in social science, anthropology, politics, history, psychology and the like. This selection was made to ensure a diverse (and thus more accurate) representation of students from all major fields. On average, a course included 40 students. GUST uses English as the language of instruction, while the sample from KU included only those from the College of Social Sciences, which uses Arabic as the language of instruction. This was intended to determine if the language of instruction used influenced a leaning towards either national or global identity. The original English version of the questionnaire was translated into Arabic. All students from GUST and KU were able to respond to the questionnaire, as

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Arabic was their native language. The students volunteered to respond to the questionnaire. As mentioned earlier, 1 million out of 2.8 million of the Kuwaiti population are Kuwaiti nationals. Since 90% of students in universities in Kuwait are
Kuwaitis, the results will be biased, as non-Kuwaitis represent only 10% of university students, but represent 64% of the population as a whole. The majority of expatriates are from Arab countries like Egypt and Syria and also from South Asia (CIA 2011). Their under-representation in Kuwaiti universities is due to the fact that the majority of expatriates come from poor countries and want to work for a specific time in order to collect money they can transfer to their homelands. Because they do not intend to settle in Kuwait, the majority do not bring their families to Kuwait as this may add to the costs of living, especially as the annual cost of studying at university can be up to
$20,000. Because only Kuwaiti nationals were asked to respond to the survey of this study the outcome cannot be generalised to non-Kuwaitis across the
Kuwaiti society.
The sample included young males and females with an average age of
18–22. This study focused on young Kuwaitis for many reasons. First, they are more exposed to modern media communication technologies that facilitate the exchange of new ideas and values. Nowadays, Kuwaitis can access almost
1000 free satellite television networks from around the world that broadcast in various languages, televising the lifestyles and ways of thinking of other cultures (Abdulrahim, Al-Kandari, and Hasanen 2009). Around 80% of
Kuwaiti nationals are connected to the Internet (CIA 2011). Many young
Kuwaitis attend schools in which English is the language of instruction.
Currently, six of the seven private universities in Kuwait use English as the language of instruction. Those young individuals are more likely to embrace various icons of Western popular culture, including attire, food and behaviour.
This study selected young Kuwaitis to represent Arab youth, who have played such an important role in recent Arab political events. It was mainly
Arab university students who demonstrated during the Arab Spring to ask for a greater say in politics in Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Morocco, Libya, Syria,
Kuwait, Oman and Bahrain. Poster (2011) notes that, during the Arab upheavals, young Arabs utilised social media including Facebook, Twitter, blogs and YouTube to voice their demands, exchange news and opinions and post updates and information about the events. In addition, this segment of society has mixed feelings about Western culture. Scholars note that many young Kuwaitis tend to embrace Western political ideologies that promote freedom of expression, democracy and respect for human rights (Nydell 2005) and, at the same time, strongly believe in the Clash of Civilisations
(Al-Kandari 2011) and in conspiracy theories that describe destructive objectives the West has towards the Arabs (Al-Kandari 2010).

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Scale or value

Frequency

%

Never
Rarely
Sometimes
Often
Always
Never
Rarely
Sometimes
Often
Always
Never
Rarely
Sometimes
Often
Always
Never
Rarely
Sometimes
Often
Always
Never
Rarely
Sometimes
Often
Always

41
98
111
59
44
22
27
93
126
86
2
5
41
136
170
37
101
100
63
53
57
113
104
49
31

11.6
27.7
31.4
16.7
12.4
6.2
7.7
26.3
30.8
24.3
0.6
0.14
11.6
38.4
48
10.5
28.5
28.2
17.8
15.0
16.1
31.9
29.4
13.8
8.8

Table 1. Profile of respondents.
Variable
Viewing Kuwaiti television

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Viewing American programmes

Using the Internet

Local news

International news

In total, 354 individuals responded to the questionnaire (214 female respondents [60.5%] and 136 male respondents [38%]). Of the respondents,
50 (15%) said that their parents’ income was less than $3000, 145 (41%)
$3000–$6000, 77 (22%) $6001–$9000, 29 (8%) $9001–$12,000, and 37
(11%) more than $12,001. Students who reported they studied in the British high school system totalled 17 (5%), American 22 (6%), bilingual 5 (1.5%), private-Arabic 34 (10%) and public-Arabic 272 (78%). GUST students accounted for 180 respondents (51%), while students from KU accounted for 174 (49%). For variables related to media viewing, see Table 1.

Criterion variables
This study adopted the national identity scale of Luhtanen and Crocker (1992) and the global identity scale of Der-Karabetian (1992). Respondents provided their answers to the statements on scales using a five-point Likert scale

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including the following options: ‘Strongly agree’, ‘Agree’, ‘Neutral’, ‘Disagree’ and ‘Strongly disagree’. Before the distribution of the final version of the questionnaire, a pilot study of 51 students, from GUST and KU, was conducted to ensure that the Alpha reliability scales were greater than 0.70 and to refine the wording of statements and the organisation of the questionnaire. The pilot study revealed that the national identity scale had an
Alpha reliability score of 0.85 and that the global identity scale had a score of
0.73. The final distributed questionnaire had an Alpha reliability score of
0.86 for the national identity scale and 0.67 for the global identity scale. See
Table 2 for the items of each scale, means and standard deviations.
Predictor variables
This study used various predictor variables. To examine the influence of language and system of schooling (public or private, including Western educational systems), respondents were asked to identify the type of high school from which they graduated. Respondents used a categorical scale to select from the following options: ‘Private-English’, ‘Private-American’,
‘Private-bilingual’, ‘Private-Arabic’ and ‘Public-Arabic’. Moreover, the coding value of respondents from GUST was 1 to represent an American model of education that uses English in instruction, while the coding value of respondents from KU was 2 to represent an Arab system of education that uses Arabic in instruction.
Other sets of predictor variables were used to explore the influence of international media on national and global identities. The respondents were asked categorical questions to reveal their daily use of these media. These media included Kuwaiti and American television programmes, local (Kuwaiti) and international television news stories and the Internet. For all of the above media, respondents chose one of the following categorical options: ‘Always’,
‘Usually’, ‘Sometimes’, ‘Rarely’ and ‘Never’. Other variables included gender and parents’ income.
Findings
This study used two regression analyses to find the factors predicting the criterion variables. It also employed analysis of variance (ANOVA) and independent t-test procedures to determine if groups vary in their attitudes to the criterion variables. In the regression analyses, the national and the global identity measures respectively were entered in the criterion variable block.
Type of high school and university were entered in the first block of the predictor variables of the regression. Viewing Kuwaiti and American television programmes, viewing American programmes, viewing local news and international news stories and use of the Internet were entered in the second block. Finally, gender and income were entered in the third block

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Table 2. National and global identity scales.

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Items
National identity (reliability alpha score: 0.86)
I often regret holding the citizenship of my country (reversed)
I feel proud about the nation I belong to
Overall, I often feel that the nation of which I am a member is not worthwhile (reversed)
In general, I’m glad to be a member of the nation I belong to
Overall, my nation has very little to do with how I feel about myself (reversed)
The nation I belong to is an important reflection of who I am
The nation I belong to is unimportant to my sense of what kind of person I am (reversed)
In general, belonging to this nation is an important part of my self-image The nation I belong to is superior to other nations in many respects All in all, my nation becomes less important in the world
(reversed)
Overall, the nation I belong to plays a more important role than other nations
In competition with others, my nation comes off worse (reversed)
Global identity (Reliability alpha score: 0.67)
Our country should have the right to prohibit certain racial and religious groups from entering to live (reversed)
We have to tolerate individuals who have different religious and racial backgrounds
Any healthy individual, regardless of race or religion, should be allowed to live wherever he or she wants to in the world
If necessary, we ought to be willing to lower our standard of living to cooperate with other countries in getting an equal standard for every person in the world
We should teach our children to uphold the welfare of all people everywhere even though it may be against the best interests of our own country
We have a moral obligation to share our country’s wealth with the less fortunate people of the world
The rich nations should share their wealth with the less fortunate people of the world
My country should participate in international cooperative activities only if it has something to gain (reversed)
The rich nations are morally obliged to take whatever measures are necessary to raise the standard of the less fortunate people of the world
My country does not have a moral obligation to share its technological and economic riches with the less fortunate people of the world (reversed)

Mean

SD

4.71
4.73
4.57

0.71
0.60
0.81

4.61
3.86

0.74
1.12

4.06
3.81

0.92
1.11

4.30

0.86

4.51

0.81

3.82

1.12

3.76

1.02

3.36

1.18

2.59

1.31

3.88

0.99

3.88

1.08

3.10

1.19

2.76

1.29

3.58

1.01

3.81

1.00

3.30

1.05

3.64

0.97

2.75

1.12

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serving as the control on previous variables, the main focus of this study
(Table 3).
The first regression analysis was used to find the factors (language of instruction and study system and the use of various media) that best predict national identity. The analysis showed that viewing Kuwaiti television programmes (β = 0.280, p =.001), using the Internet (β = 0.127, p = .022) and viewing local news (β = 0.206, p = .006) positively predicted national identity at the second level of regression (R2 change = 0.130, F change (327, 5) = 9.902, p = .000). Adding demographics (gender and income) as control variables did not generate any significant difference in the third level of the regression
(R2 change = 0.002, F change (325, 2) = 0.418, p = .658). After controlling for demographics, viewing Kuwaiti television programmes (β = 0.274, p = .000), using the Internet (β = 0.128, p = .021) and viewing local news (β = 0.213, p = .005) continued to be positive predictors of the criterion (Table 3).
One-way ANOVA tests and Tukey’s procedures were carried out to examine the differences between groups of predictors (viewing Kuwaiti television programmes, viewing local news and using the Internet) that significantly predicted national identity in the previous regression test. The first test, which focused on viewing Kuwaiti television programmes, was significant (F(348, 2) = 12.38, Sig. = 0.001). Respondents who said they sometimes (M = 4.25, SD = 0.48), usually (M = 4.30, SD = 0.51) or always
(M = 4.45, SD = 0.35) watched Kuwaiti television programmes had a stronger inclination towards national identity than those who said they never (M = 3.69,
SD = 0.77) or rarely (M = 4.10, SD = 0.61) viewed Kuwaiti television programmes. Table 3. Regression analyses of predictors of national and global identities.
National identity
(M = 4.18, SD = 0.59,
N = 335)
School
University
Various Kuwaiti TV programmes
American programmes in years
Internet use
Local news
International news
Gender
Income
R2
Adjusted R2
*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001.

Global identity
(M = 3.34, SD = 0.55,
N = 335)

0.063
0.019
0.274***
−0.025
0.128*
0.213**
−0.049
0.048
−0.008
0.146
0.122

−0.018
−0.153*
0.041
−0.011
−0.002
−0.002
0.046
0.056
−0.084
0.032
0.013

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The second ANOVA, which tested the differences between groups who viewed local programmes in their level of inclination to national identity, was significant (F(348, 2) = 12.38, Sig. = 0.000). Respondents who said they always (M = 4.32, SD = 0.59) or usually (M = 4.30, SD = 0.49) watched local news had stronger inclination to national identity than those who said they never (M = 3.93, SD = 0.80) or rarely (M = 4.11, SD = 0.55) viewed local news.
The third ANOVA, which tested the use of the Internet and the inclination to national identity, did not produce any significant differences between groups (F(349, 4) = 0.698, Sig. = 0.594).
In summary, the results reveal that the use of Kuwaiti television, local news and the Internet predict national identity. Respondents who used these media heavily were more likely to have a strong inclination to national identity than light users.
The second regression procedure was conducted to find the predictors of global identity. Only the type of university (β = −0.137, p = .019) predicted the criterion at the first level of the regression (R2 change = 0.019, F change (332, 2)
= 3.24, p = .040). This variable (β = −0.153, p = .015) continued to predict the criterion even after controlling for demographics, which did not produce any significant change at the third level of regression (R2 change = 0.010, F change
(335, 2) = 1.71, p = .183). To shed further light on the variation between students of GUST and those of KU in terms of global identity, an independent t-test revealed that there was a significant difference (t = 2.27, Sig. = 0.024). Students enrolled at GUST, where the language of instruction is English, were more likely to have a global identity (M = 3.40, SD = 0.58) than those from KU (M = 3.26,
SD = 0.52), where the language of instruction is Arabic (Table 3).
Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to examine the influence of agents of globalisation (English language in schooling and international media) on the formation of national and global identities. This study is vital, as it explores the influence of globalisation on an Arab culture. If agents of globalisation can transform Arab cultures, which Patai (2007) describes as one of the remaining strongholds of cultural resistance and conservatism in the world, then the influence of these agents will be stronger in other cultures. In addition, there is a growing desire nowadays to unite the legal, political, economic and cultural modes of belonging. Even though the number of children who study at
Kuwaiti schools where English is the language of instruction is growing and even though communication technologies (e.g., the Internet and satellite television) offer different perspectives on issues, as with other Arabs, Kuwaitis are proud of their religion, culture and traditions. Many of them look sceptically at globalisation, which they consider a form of Western imperialism (Nydell 2005).

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This study found mixed results and a low-to-moderate influence of agents of globalisation on national and global identities, and this supports the cultural globalisation perspective. This perspective considers globalisation a multifaceted and complex process of negotiation between national and foreign cultures. The results of this study reveal that the variable of studying at GUST, where English is used as the language of instruction, predicted embracing the global identity, while other variables, such as viewing local television programmes and local news, reinforced the adoption of a national identity.
This is supportive of the view of Held and McGrew (2007) who thought that, according to the transformationalist perspective of cultural globalisation, people neither easily give up their own identities nor reject foreign ones.
They adapt to agents of globalisation and probably adopt a mix of both identities. This outcome might be related to the fact that almost all textbooks and materials used in courses taught at GUST were of American or Western origin. In addition, many instructors at this university have Western backgrounds. These materials and instructors expose students to different views, ideas, experiences and historical perspectives. They expand students’ horizons, experiences and multicultural knowledge. Such learning experiences develop neutrality and free Kuwaiti students from the binding local culture (Henze and
Davis 1999).
However, being a graduate from high schools where English was the language of instruction did not predict the global identity. This might be due to the different contexts of high schools and universities. At universities, students are more exposed to the liberal arts and social sciences. Students studying in these contexts are freer to discuss issues and provide presentations that outline various ideas. In addition, it is possible that other social influences were in play. This sheds light on the influence of resistance that scholars (e.g., Castells
1997) have linked to the influence of globalisation, in order to oppose the influence of foreign cultures. It is reinforced by the daily cultural practices, rituals and heritage that all provide immunity against foreign impact. In fact, identity construction might be very much connected to local contexts. For example, parents can actively counteract the Western-style socialisation imposed by English-language schooling. Those who use English at school also use Arabic at home and in familial and social gatherings for conformity and social congruence. According to Gordon (2004), the local language is used to transmit heritage and identity, socialise and create solidarity.
Adelswärd and Nilholm (2000) and Schiffrin (2002) suggest that language is the safeguard that protects culture and preserves identities against any foreign cultural influence.
This study found that viewing Kuwaiti television programmes and local news predicted strong inclinations to national identity. It is logical to argue that viewing local programmes and news helps people accumulate knowledge

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about a nation and its distinguishable characteristics, as scholars have found
(Beaudoin and Thorson 2006; Fairclough 2006). What is shown on local programmes becomes the norm to be followed as Kuwaiti television transmits
Kuwaiti values, a local intellectual mindset and a typical stream of societal thought. One can also add that the news format itself sends messages of swearing allegiance to one’s political and societal system. The dominance of the local political agenda is heavily buttressed by convincing narratives that encourage the audience to adopt the values and beliefs being espoused.
Even though viewing Kuwaiti television programmes and local news predicted the national identity, the relationship may also reflect that those who have a strong national identity prefer to view local television programmes and news. A strong national identity in this sense would consist of local traditions, habits, mores, feelings, language, and religion that, together, interact with local media. Even though researchers have argued that Hollywood exports to the world dominate (Miller 2001), American culture, in many countries, seems the second most familiar culture (Gitlin 2001), and American culture has a more dominant presence than other cultures (Straubhaar 2007), local media are also growing in number. For example, the number of Kuwaiti local television stations has increased from 4 in the 1990s to more than 20 now and the number of local newspapers has increased from 5 during the 1990s to around
15 today. In addition, Kuwaitis also view other Arab television programmes that reflect Arab and Muslim traditions, heritage and culture which are more similar in nature to those of Kuwaitis. These local forces may counter the influence of American television programmes and culture in favour of local values. In addition, it must be highlighted that the Arab culture is very influential on its people, and this may influence Kuwaitis to adopt a national identity. According to Patai (2007), the Arab culture is one of the most influential factors in the Arab mind.
This study did not find that heavy viewing of American television programmes predicted embracing the global identity. This could be linked to the previous discussion about the influence of national television on national identity. One becomes more attached to one’s national values that are naturalised by national TV. This means that whatever values or ideas are presented on American television would be counteracted by national TV and, thus, become indigestible. In fact, it is a matter of who wins the mindset of audiences. This is also supported by Sklair (1999), who argues for the cultural perspective of globalisation, which maintains that foreign ideas and values are countered by a set of defences and intermediaries that often mediate or shun any impact of globalisation.
Finally, this study shows that the Internet is an important factor in whether respondents have a strong inclination to a national rather than a global identity.
The Internet plays a crucial role today in solidifying communicative

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relationships amongst its users. It is true that people from different cultures communicate with each other in English. However, people are more comfortable talking to those who speak their own language and/or share their national cultural background. This communication makes it much easier for people to communicate concerning what immediately affects them, like their life, national identity and country. These intimate issues cannot be disclosed to foreigners due to language barriers and/or the fact that they often do not know anything about the situation in their country. Using a familiar language makes it easier and faster to talk to others who speak the same language, which positively affects the status of national identity over the Internet. As suggested in the literature
(e.g., Putnam 2000), it is the type of Internet use (for reinforcement) that should be considered and not merely the volume of use.
In conclusion, it is apparent that the argument that globalisation and
Westernisation are two sides of the same coin has been somewhat overstated in the literature (Irogbe 2005). This study reports only small effects of the agents of globalisation, as only studying at a university where English is the language of instruction predicted a positive disposition towards a global identity.
Conversely, it reveals that agents of localisation, including local news and local television programmes, actively influence Kuwaiti students to embrace their national identity. Notably, this study found that local news and programmes were linked to national identity. This indicates the importance of local factors that researchers must not ignore if they want to discover whether a culture can stand up to globalisation. Future studies could identify the mechanisms by which social factors in a society interfere with national identity in relation to globalisation.
A shortcoming of this study is that it explored the influence of agents of globalisation only on global and national identities. It is suggested that researchers should include other types of identity that have been examined in the literature, including hybrid, middle, dual and bicultural identities. These identities embrace the characteristics of local and global identities with various degrees of combination, to create complex sets of cultural identities.
According to King (1997, 16), ‘[E]ach individual increasingly belongs to many cultures – people have multiple cultural identities. Increasingly, one goes through life picking up identities. In this sense, identity is never finished’.
Exploring hybrid and dual identities, for example, will be more reflective of the complexities of people of diverse cultural identities (Robertson 1992;
Smith 2006). These types of mixed identities are more likely to exist nowadays and in the future due to the influence of diverse globalisation factors, each with its own unique influence. Such factors are immigration, travelling, communication technologies, international media, education, languages, global commerce and many others.

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