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“to What Extent Was Rapid Economic Growth the Cause of Social Tensions in Wilhelmine Germany?”

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“To what extent was rapid economic growth the cause of social tensions in Wilhelmine Germany?”

In Wilhelmine Germany, an industrial revolution was taking place. By 1910, Germany had almost caught up with Britain on the production of industries such as coal and steel, with the rate of growth overwhelmingly surpassing that of the Britons. Germany was also home to new industries, like that of chemicals, which quickly saw 90% of the world’s hair dye exported from Germany alone. However, the impact of a healthy economy was not entirely positive. Rapid economic growth brought an increase in class divisions, as the traditional system came under threat as a result of changing methods. Further, the industrial revolution saw urbanisation become a growing trend as people relocated to the job-filled cities; nonetheless, overcrowding saw a fall in living conditions and a rise in discontent with the working environment, leading to increased membership in trade unions. Moreover, pressure groups began to emerge as funding became readily available and confidence grew among the prosperous public. Although rapid economic growth was the main cause of social tensions in Wilhelmine Germany, the Constitution’s failure to establish the role of the Army led to anger among the public who felt as if they were being ignored by the Kaiser and the Chancellor. In addition, the increased following of socialism caused tensions between the traditional, conservative side of Germany, and those who felt change was needed. Overall, social tensions in Wilhelmine Germany were a result of a combination of factors, the main influence being rapid economic growth.

A lifestyle change for millions of people living in Germany came with economic growth. Cities were flooded by workers looking to take advantage of the Industrial Revolution happening within the country. Despite this, Germany could still be divided into social groups; the ‘Junkers’, the Industrial bourgeoisie, the middle classes, the Mittelstand, and the working classes. The Junkers were considered the traditional rich, landowning social force. However, between 1871 and 1910, coal production increased more than fivefold, and steel production nearly nine fold. Consequently, agriculture was in relative decline, and those who did not employ modern methods were likely to decrease their financial standing. The Junkers were desperate to maintain their social superiority, and looked to keep the German Army officer corps under their control; to the point where they actually rejected an expansion of the army in case it diluted their power. The Industrial bourgeoisie, who managed the industrial side of Germany, posed a threat to the supremacy. Despite the Industrial bourgeoisie, according to research, wanting to ‘copy’ the Junkers rather than replace them, tensions between the two stood firm. The lower middle classes (Mittelstand) contained skilled workers and small traders who felt the blow of the industrial growth, as it took away a lot of business; as a result, the majority looked towards the pre-Industrial age as a golden era, and became attracted to extreme right-wing parties who promised a return to the times in which they prospered. Class tensions within Germany were especially dangerous because the country was still under the official control of the Kaiser, meaning that it was near impossible for Wilhelm II to pass policies that would please the entire population. Therefore, tensions were uneasy to be rid of, due to the unavoidable circumstance that the matter was one of many different opinions. Henceforth, class divisions were not only a cause for tensions, but also helped to maintain them.

Another product of German economic growth was urbanisation. By 1910, 60% of the population were living in towns of over 2000 people, as opposed to just 36.1% in 1871. Cities became hugely overcrowded, which meant that living conditions fell, in 1871, there were 774,498 people living in Berlin, by 1910, there were 2,017,907. The fall in living conditions saw the supply of clean water reduced, leading to an outbreak of disease. In Hamburg in 1892, 8,600 people died from Cholera over a ten week period. Although employment rates were very good and unemployment only rose above 3% in one year between 1900 and 1914, the discontent over living conditions saw a rise in trade union membership over these years; in 1890, just 357,000 people were part of German trade unions, by 1913, that figure was over 3,000,000. For the majority of people at the time, urbanisation had led to a working life that was divided over long hours in unhealthy workplaces. Nonetheless, being that the average wage increased by 25% between 1895 and 1913, and that work was readily available, people decided to stay in the cities, and urbanisation continued. It is clear that people felt more obliged than willing to relocate to the cities, because of the fact that they put up with the poor standard of living, that in itself would have created a tense atmosphere, not to mention the emergence of trade unions, which is a sign that people felt discontent towards the working atmosphere and saw no improvement from individually campaigning, so felt the need to join an organisation that would represent them on a greater scale, signalling unresolved tensions. When looking both at the impact of class divisions and urbanisation, one begins to realise that society was becoming fractured, due to the uneven distribution of wealth and production.
Matt Hamblin

Furthermore, pressure groups emerged as a consequence of economic growth. Rather than stimulating tensions within Germany, pressure groups helped bring them to light. The German Colonial League, the Pan German League and the Navy League were the three main nationalist pressure groups, who were focused on different aspects of expanding the dominance of Germany across Europe and worldwide. Moreover, the Central Association of German Industrialists and the Agrarian League provided pressure on economic policy. Economic growth allowed more people to pay entry fees, which meant more funding, which caused greater representation, which increased confidence in opinion. Pressure groups were successful in some of their aims; for example, the German Colonial League played a part in the German dominance of South West Africa in 1884. The emergence of pressure groups showed that greater economic standing gave the German population a greater sense of activity and ability within the country, resulting in a more active approach to issues in the country. Therefore, the emergence and impact of pressure groups helps explain how economic growth caused social tensions within Wilhelmine Germany.

Aside from economic growth, other factors were also responsible for social tensions in Wilhelmine Germany. The Constitution had granted the Army the right to be responsible only to the Kaiser, which proved an issue during the Zabern Affair in 1913. After German soldiers in Zabern had arrested 28 French inhabitants, including one soldier using his sabre to cut down an elderly disabled person, there were widespread protests across Germany. However, the Constitution had failed to establish the role of the Army, and the details to which they should act by. Protestors argued that the soldiers had acted above the law and overridden the civilian authorities and the courts. The Army defended themselves by reminding the population of the fact that they were officially only responsible to the Kaiser, and that he had condoned the act. Bethmann, Chancellor at the time, stood by the Kaiser, but received an overwhelming vote of no confidence; yet, little happened after. The Zabern Affair showed that German policy was still heavily dependent on the opinions of the Kaiser; Bethmann’s ability to remain Chancellor after a vote of no confidence emphasised the novelty existence of many ‘abilities’ of the population. However, the public outcry gave a strong impression that pressures were increasing, and that confidence among the public was rising, as were tensions.

Moreover, the Reichstag grew independent under Bethmann’s Chancellorship, as they became more aware of their redundant state. After the Bülow bloc collapsed, Bethmann was in a difficult situation, because his support came from right-wing parties; therefore, if he attempted to gain left-wing support and failed, he may lose his right-wing support as well. The 1912 Reichstag elections showed a distinct shift to the left, as the Social Democratic Party (SPD) became the largest party with 110 seats (the Left Liberals of a similar intention also won 42 seats). Hence, the Conservative-Centre Alliance was no longer in dominance of the Reichstag. The reality soon struck conservatives that a social revolution was closer than ever before, which only became more intense when it was seen that the SDP would have been even stronger had the Reichstag been adapted to reflect growing urbanisation. The German public was now in a position where the Kaiser and the Chancellor would be officially challenged, signalling that confidence was growing and tensions between the people and the government were becoming stronger.
Matt Hamblin

Socialism was another reason for tensions in Wilhelmine society. The Anti-Socialist Laws of 1878, which outlawed socialist meetings, had a reverse effect and brought the socialist movement closer together, and increased passions among its supporters. Despite the SDP not becoming a major force until 1912, socialism had been a standing threat for many years; in 1891, August Bebel announced that the SDP would follow a strict Marxist regime in which they would refuse co-operation and also believed that a revolution was inevitable. Although by 1907 socialists were more reformists, the reputation of radicalism stuck. As a result, the fact that by the eve of the Great War, the SDP was winning 75% of the popular vote in Berlin highlights the instability of Wilhelmine society and how other routes provided Germans the ability to start a new movement, especially socialism. A total of 400,000 of the German trade unionists went on strike at some point in 1913, asserting the passionate nature of the members, showing that they were not inactive and were determined to push for change. The possible rise of socialism could be said to have been a perceived threat as opposed to a genuine one, however the risks it put forward and the social tensions were very real indeed. The conservative side of Germany remained adamant that socialism was a danger, publishing hundreds of cartoons in the media portraying socialists and ugly, dishonest scheming people. Nonetheless, cartoons were published by other magazines and newspapers to counter the negative propaganda; the difference of opinions in the media illustrates the divisions and tensions caused in society as a result of socialism.

In conclusion, although the impact of the Constitution’s lack of clarity and the following of socialism definitely contributed to social tensions, rapid economic growth was the central element. Although one must notice that socialism and challenges to the Kaiser and Chancellor were indicators that social tensions were apparent, they may not have taken place without economic growth. The working conditions in industrial cities were an essential component of the rise of socialism, culminating in the 1912 Reichstag elections, when the SDP became the largest party in the Reichstag. As well as socialism, economic growth proved a catalyst in the public’s growth of confidence, as many people began to contribute to the economy, and felt as if they should have a say in the management of Germany. Besides affecting other areas of tension, rapid economic growth proved to create class divisions, urbanisation, which led to overcrowding and poor working conditions, and also the emergence of pressure groups; henceforth, rapid economic growth was the main reason for social tensions in Wilhelmine Germany.

Bibliography

* Collier, Martin: “Edexcel GCE History - From Kaiser to Führer: Germany, 1900-45” * Layton, Geoff: “From Kaiser to Führer: Germany 1900-45” (‘Access to History’)

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