Free Essay

Institutionalism Sociology

In:

Submitted By Sulin
Words 2411
Pages 10
Introduction
As Richard Scott pointed out, not until recently have scholars become concerned with social and cultural environment rather than technical, interdependence in organizational processes; the exchange of goods and services is downplayed. With a broader definition of institutional environment, which includes not merely formal rules, procedures and norms, but also the symbolic systems, cognitive models and moral templates that guide people’s behaviors, the new institutionalism offers a distinctively sociological perspective for studying and understanding organizations. Nevertheless, the institutional change also provoked an array of issues that have long been facing the institutional organization theory and have been widely discussed by institutionalists.
In this paper, I am going to illustrate as follows two main problems that carry the most argumentations among institutionalists– how to reconcile the conflict between efficiency and institutional rules in organizations isomorphic with institutional environment, by comparing Jens Beckert’s Agency, entrepreneurs, and institutional change and John W. Meyer and Brian Rowan’s Institutionalized organizations; to what degree should organizations be institutionalized, by comparing John W. Meyer and Brian Rowan’s Institutionalized organizations and Charles Perrow’s Overboard with myth and symbols. The three works will be referred to without specific citations.
How to deal with interest- driven behavior and institutional change
If organizational structures and strategies are shaped by institutional environments, what is the role of ‘strategic choice’ in the management of organizations? Meyer and Beckert gave their seemingly completely diverging solutions on this persistent question, but the ultimate result they want to achieve is the same.
In Meyer and Rowan’s view, an organization whose success depends primarily on isomorphism with institutionalized rules confronts structural inconsistencies, which make a concern for efficiency and tight coordination and control problematic, in two detailed ways.
The first is represented by ceremonial activity, which is significant with respect to categorical rules but not in its concrete effects. For example, a sick worker must be treated by a doctor using accepted medical procedures, categorical rules as referred to, even though the worker could be more effectively treated by other unaccepted procedures. More extremely, some ceremonial activities are pure costs from the point of view of efficiency as illustrated by the example of hiring a Noble Prize winner, the expenditure of which lowers the school’s return considering the immediate outcomes, in spite of the research grants, brighter students, or reputational gains the celebrated name may bring.
The other aspect of the conflict between categorical rules and efficiency arise because of the incapability of generalized rules of the institutional environment to deal with varied technical activities with specific, unstandardized, and possibly unique conditions. Example exists as a governmental mandated curriculum may be inappropriate for the students at hand.
The above two aspects are illustrations of conflicts and inconsistencies in an institutionalized organization’s efforts to conform to the ceremonial rules of production. In addition to the four partial solutions to the inconsistency mentioned in their paper, Meyer and Rowan put forward a solution that employs two interrelated devices: decoupling and the logic of confidence.
Decoupling. - As proposed by Meyer and Rowan, “because attempts to control and coordinate activities in institutionalized organizations lead to conflicts and loss of legitimacy, elements of structure are decoupled from activities and from each other.” Organizations built around efficiency require close alignments between structures and activities, but a policy of close alignment in institutionalized organizations merely makes public a record of inefficiency and inconsistency.
To enact decoupling process, institutionalized organizations protect their formal structures by means of delegation, professionalization, as well as goal ambiguity, and by eliminating output data, minimizing inspection and evaluation on the basis of technical performance, and informally handling coordination, interdependence, together with mutual adjustments among structural units. Thus, decoupling enables organizations to maintain standardized, legitimating, formal structures while their activities vary in response to practical considerations.
The logic of confidence and good faith. – As proposed by Meyer and Rowan, “The more an organization’s structure is derived from institutionalized myths, the more it maintains elaborate displays of confidence, satisfaction, and good faith, internally and externally.” It is the confidence and good faith of internal participants and external constituents that legitimates institutionalized organizations, enabling them to appear useful in spite of the lack of technical validation and coordination and control.
Considerations of face characterize ceremonial management. Confidence in structural elements is maintained through three practices- avoidance, discretion, and overlooking. Avoidance and discretion are encouraged by decoupling autonomous subunits; overlooking anomalies is also quite common. Therefore, by absorbing uncertainty through maintenance of face and interdependencies on decoupling, it is able to preserve the formal structure of the organization. The evidence that the participants also commit themselves to making things work out backstage and engaging in informal coordination to keep technical activities running smoothly and avoid public embarrassments makes commitments built up by displays of morale and satisfaction not simply vacuous affirmations of institutionalized myths. Likewise, institutionalized organizations, even though maintain high levels of confidence and good faith, minimize and ceremonialize inspection and evaluation since inspection and evaluation can uncover events and deviations that undermine legitimacy.
Meyer and Rowan ended their paper with a solution of maintaining the organization in a loosely coupled state to solve the structural inconsistency of whether to support institutionalized myths or to attend to practical activity when an action must be taken.
Whereas in his paper, Beckert argued that under market conditions, institutional rules and intentional rational agency can be conceptualized as antagonistic mechanisms that contradict each other, but, nevertheless, remain interdependent. Beckert refers to “strategic agency” as the planned persuasion of profit based on a rational assessment of available means and strategic conditions. By putting forward two propositions for the incorporation of interests and agency which were made by organization theorists working within the institutionalist tradition, Beckert gave a completely different solution of incorporation from Meyer, who suggested a solution of decoupling, in response to the structural inconsistency caused by isomorphic processes of organizational change. And even, in the integrated model developed by Beckert, the recognition that interests and institutions are inseparably interwoven shows the significant role interests have played, which is opposite to the attitude of Meyer and Rowan, who to some degree neglect the function of interests in the relationship.
Beckert first developed a dynamic model of the relationship between strategic choice and institutional pressures which unfolds around the notion of uncertainty. The theoretical concept of uncertainty refers to situations in which intentionally rational actors cannot deduce strategies from their preference rankings, because the complexity of the situation and the informational constraints do not allow them to assign probabilities to the possible consequences of choices. Beckert explained rational actors by referring to Schumpeter’s notion, in which managers are characterized to act on the basis of routines while entrepreneurs are the innovators who leave behind routines and devote their attention to new options by violating institutional rules, whose behavior is described as creative destruction.
Beckert’s model is based on three propositions. First, strategic agency can only be expected if institutionalized structures prevail which reduce uncertainty for organizational actors. In other words, institutions reduce uncertainty by creating expectations in the behavior of others. Second, strategic agency that violates existing institutional rules can be expected in situations characterized by relatively high degrees of certainty within an institutional field. Third, institutionalizing agents’ work prevails in situations of high uncertainty within an institutional field. These two propositions entail that it is only once institutionalized rules are in place that actors can act strategically in the sense of a rational enhancement of goals. Simultaneously, the creative destruction by entrepreneurs creates “spaces of uncertainty” of the environment by decreasing the predictability of other actors. Eventually, the “spaces of uncertainty” will be filled once again by the newly emerging substitute institutions, which can be either the innovation of creative destruction or the institutionalized practices remain unaffected. And the re-embedding process is done by managers.
In brief, the main idea of Beckert’s model can be expressed as: entrepreneurs destroy existing institutions. By this, they create the need for the re-embedding processes of managers which, in turn, re-establishes institutional stability as the basis for the strategic agency of entrepreneurs.
The question follows as to how the entrepreneurial mode of behavior can be reconciled with institutional theory. How can one view actors as being embedded in institutional frameworks and simultaneously provide space for at least a selective transcendence of these cultural frames?
Beckert referred to Anthony Giddens’s theory of structuration for a possible solution to the above problem. Based on Giddens’s theory, the routinized character of day-to-day activities does not imply that agents cannot make deliberate choices. For Giddens, he sees as one of the main characteristics of modern societies the issue of choice. Action cannot be understood as the simple execution of existing scripts, but develops in a duality between agency and structure. In short, routinized activities form the enabling basis for social interaction but are selectively and partially open to reflexivity. Furthermore, not all action can take the form of reflected strategy. Instead, only a few decisions reach the level of discursive consciousness and take a reflexive position towards taken-for-granted rules.
Rather than decoupling and the logic of confidence, Beckert pointed out three stabilizing factors to remain the formal structure of institutions: actors’ not always disregarding sunk-costs of organizational habits and routines, legitimacy, and power. To simply illustrate these factors, conservative actors are not willing to take reflective actions when high uncertainty presents but rather obey to rules by imitation; management of legitimacy has to take into account the negative consequences resulting from violations of institutionalized demands; power based on superior resources may take means to prevent creative destructive behavior.
Comparing Meyer and Rowan’s and Beckert’s papers, I have found out some similarities and differences. Meyer, Rowan and Becker all deem that independent of the origin of rational institutional myths, to become isomorphic with institutional environments makes an organization survive, success and better fit to the modernity. While Meyer and Rowan provided a microscopic view of the structural inconsistency between efficiency and institutional rules by proposing concrete solutions of decoupling and the logic of confidence, Beckert presented a macroscopic explanation of the two contradictory mechanisms, which are both essential to his dynamic model of interests and institutions. As far as I am concerned, by recognizing that it is natural and inevitable for the ambivalent mechanisms-interest and institutional myths- to coexist, Beckert went a step further than Meyer and Rowan, who stagnated at the level of conceptualization of the inconsistency of the two mechanisms by underestimating the significance of interest and agency. Though they mentioned different stabilizing factors to sustain the formal structure of institutions: decoupling and the logic of confidence by Meyer, actor’s role, legitimacy and power by Beckert, the essence are basically the same: preventing conflicts that can be prevented by using power or avoiding inspection and evaluation, dealing with activities cannot be avoided by working things out backstage and informally. Above all, I think the combination of their contribution makes a better and comprehensive understanding of the relationship between the taken-for-granted character of institutions and the notions of intentionality and purposiveness.
Overboard with myth and symbols?
As a complement and extension of the important puzzle: the discrepancy between formal structures and production activities, Charles Perrow advanced in his review essay of Meyer and Scott’s Organizational environment an empirical research of superintendents, principals, and teachers in San Francisco school districts. The result of the research indicated that something was amiss in these organizations. Reforms were announced with enthusiasm and then evaporated. Rules and requirements filled the file cabinets, but teachers taught as they pleased and neither principals nor superintendents took much notice. Is this loosely coupling state of school organizations the one that Meyer and Rowan aimed to achieve in his proposed solution to the puzzle of structural inconsistency mentioned before, or is there overboard with myth and symbols as quoted in the title of Perrow’s review essay?
Noted in Meyer and Rowan’s paper, an organization’s structure that adheres to the prescriptions of myths in the institutional environment demonstrates that it is acting on collectively valued purposes in a proper and adequate manner; vocabularies of structure which are isomorphic with institutional rules provide prudent, rational, and legitimate accounts; the rise of an elaborate institutional environment stabilizes both external and internal organizational relationships, etc.: these are all benefits of a formal structure that integrates proper institutional elements. But what if an organization is overboard with myth and symbols?
Perrow’s review essay dealt with this problem. As illustrated by the example of hospitals, the complexity of regulation of hospitals arises not because of a rational myth but because hospitals keep trying to find a way to get around a regulation; this only means that another regulation has to be issued to close off that loophole. This way of integrating rules by pretending to concentrate on conformity to institutional environment is obviously irrational and inefficient. Worse still, this infatuation with cultural myths and symbols to the neglect of power and group interest issues even leads to some distressing examples, but I am not going to exemplify as the purpose here is to clarify the appropriate degree of the isomorphism with myth and symbols.
Conclusion
In this reflection paper, I discussed two issues regarding the organization’s isomorphic process with institutional environment. One is the problem of how strategic agency can be reconciled with the taken-for-granted character of institutions. The other serves as a reminder as the institutionalization process goes on.
For me, the papers of Meyer, Rowan and Beckert both gave justifiable explanations to reconcile the controversy between agency’s intentional role and taken-for-granted rules. The difference is that they view the problem at varied levels. But I should say I am more convinced by Beckert since he gave a more comprehensive and integrated model without underestimating the significance of interest and agency. Though integrating institutional myth and symbols make them survive and succeed, organizations should attend also to power and group interest issues and grasp the scale. As scholars’ commitments continue, there must be more sound theories coming up and more problems solved.
References:
Meyer, John W., and Brian Rowan. (1977). Institutionalized Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony. American Journal of Sociology 83: 340-64.
Beckert, J. (1999). Agency, Entrepreneurs, and Institutional Change. The Role of Strategic Choice and Institutionalized Practices in Organizations, Organization Studies 20: 777-799.
Perrow, C. (1985), “Overboard with myths and symbols”, American Journal of Sociology, 91:151-155.

Similar Documents

Premium Essay

Sample

...HANDBOOK of PSYCHOLOGY VOLUME 12 INDUSTRIAL AND ORGANIZATIONALPSYCHOLOGY Walter C. Borman Daniel R. lIgen Richard J. Klimoski Volume Editors Irving B. Weiner Editor-in-Chief 13 THEORIES AND PRACTICES OF ORGANIZATIONAL DEVELOPMENT John R. Austin and Jean M. Bartunek 309 ~ John Wiley & Sons, Inc. CHAPTER 13 Theories and Practices of Organizational Development JOHN R. AUSTIN AND JEAN M. BARTUNEK ORGANIZATION DEVELOPMENT TODAY, NOT YESTERDAY 310 THE CONCEPTUAL 'KNOWLEDGE OF ORGANIZATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 311 Change Process Theories 312 Samples of Contemporary Interventions in Organizational Development 316 Implementation Theories 319 THE CONNECTION BETWEEN IMPLEMENTATION THEORIES AND CHANGE PROCESS THEORIES 321 THE DIVIDE BETWEEN IMPLEMENTATIONTHEORIES AND CHANGE PROCESS THEORIES 322 Barrier 1: Different Knowledge Validation Meth~ 322 Barrier 2: Different Goals and Audiences 323 Barrier 3: Different Theoretical Antecedents 324 STRATEGIES FOR OVERCOMING BARRIERS TO KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER 324 Same-Author Translation 325 Multiple-Author Translation 325 Common Language Translation 326 Translating Implementation Theory to Change Process Theory 326 CONCLUSION 326 REFERENCES 327 From its roots in action research in the 1940s and 1950s (Collier, 1945), and building on Lewin's insight that "there is nothing so practical as a good theory" (Lewin, 1951, p. 169), organizational development has explicitly emphasized both the practice. and the scholarship of...

Words: 6321 - Pages: 26

Free Essay

Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics

...ABSTRACT This article provides an overview of recent developments in historical institutionalism. First, it reviews some distinctions that are commonly drawn between the “historical” and the “rational choice” variants of institutionalism and shows that there are more points of tangency than typically assumed. However, differences remain in how scholars in the two traditions approach empirical problems. The contrast of rational choice’s emphasis on institutions as coordination mechanisms that generate or sustain equilibria versus historical institutionalism’s emphasis on how institutions emerge from and are embedded in concrete temporal processes serves as the foundation for the second half of the essay, which assesses our progress in understanding institutional formation and change. Drawing on insights from recent historical institutional work on “critical junctures” and on “policy feedbacks,” the article proposes a way of thinking about institutional evolution and path dependency that provides an alternative to equilibrium and other approaches that separate the analysis of institutional stability from that of institutional change. INTRODUCTION Institutional analysis has a distinguished pedigree in comparative politics, and the “new” institutionalist literature of the past two decades has both sustained this venerable tradition and deepened our understanding of the role of institutions in political life. At the same time, recent work has given rise to new debates. It is...

Words: 8004 - Pages: 33

Free Essay

Institutional Theory

...Institutional Theory Part One Introduction of Institutional Theory What are institutions? The general understanding of institutions can be defined as a set of formal and informal rules of conduct, made by humans that facilitate coordination or govern relationships between individuals, organizations or government. Examples of institutions include laws, regulations, customs, social and professional norms, culture, and ethics. Selznick (1949) notes that "the most important thing about organizations is that, though they are tools, each nevertheless has a life of its own". While he acknowledges rational view that organizations are designed to attain goals, he notes that the formal structures can never conquer the non-rational dimensions of organizational behaviour. Individuals do not act purely based on their formal roles. Organizations do not act purely based on formal structures. Selznick notes that individuals bring other commitments to the organization that can restrict rational decision-making. Institutions exert a constraining influence over organizations, called isomorphism that forces organizations in the same population to resemble other organizations that face the same set of environmental conditions (Hawley, 1968). Then, the isomorphism was further discussed by DiMaggio and Powell (1983) where the analysis of institutions exert three types of isomorphic pressure on organizations: coercive, normative, and mimetic. Coercive isomorphism refers...

Words: 6106 - Pages: 25

Premium Essay

Theorizing Inter-Organizational Inequality – Conceptual Suggestions to Overcome a Blind Spot

...Theorizing inter-organizational inequality – Conceptual suggestions to overcome a blind spot Organizations form and are embedded in differently structured institutional fields (DiMaggio/Powell 1991, Scott 2008) which embody certain structures of relational positions (Powell et al 2005), i.e. structures of inequality sui generis. Organizational hierarchies, positions in organizational networks, or organizational status do have an impact on, say, the capacities of organizations to engage in institutional work successfully, their internal promotion system, or more generally their ability to affect their own chances as well as chances in the lives of individuals for good or worse. If it is true that individual outcomes depend on organizational structures and those structures are strongly influenced by the social context they are embedded in, that implies not only to treat certain individual outcomes as dependent on organizational factors but ultimately as a function of the relational and relative position organizations find themselves in. Social inequality must therefore be understood and analytically fashioned as a multilevel-phenomenon. Despite that, inter-organizational inequality has been neglected in the study of social inequality and stratification. Studies that reproduce this blind spot firstly may overlook to mechanisms and their underlying institutions that may seriously interfere with the predominant models of ascriptive, variable-centered analysis, secondly they lose...

Words: 1617 - Pages: 7

Premium Essay

Organizational Theiry

...must be followed. A second early development was that of public administration whereby organizations came into being to implement the decisions of government: initially to collect taxes, but increasingly to order and regulate society through laws and the application of various rules (Tushman and Romanelli, 1985). Again, these organizations were characterized by hierarchy of authority and a requirement to comply with its exercise. These models for the large-scale organization of people for a purpose were, with a few exceptions, followed by business organizations as they developed in the Middle Ages and, through industrialization, came to dominate work in society. The study of organizations emerged from what some would call today sociology (Knorr, 1997). This owed its origins to philosophers turning their attention to the way in which whole societies function and, in due course, to the study also of the social constructions which are created in them. Knorr believed that the first studies of organization sought, in the fashion of the time, to identify the essential processes at work in all organizations and to encapsulate these in principles...

Words: 7381 - Pages: 30

Premium Essay

Encountering Social Class Differences at Work

...PERPETUATES INEQUALITY Using a microsociological lens, we develop a theoretical framework that explains how social class distinctions are sustained within organizations. In particular, we intro- duce the concept of “class work” and explicate the cognitions and practices that members of different classes engage in when they come in contact with each other in cross-class encounters. We also elucidate how class work perpetuates inequality, as well as the consequences of class work on organizations and those at the lower end of the organizational hierarchy. By examining microlevel interactions and how they become institutionalized within organizations as prevailing rules and practices, we contribute to both institutional theory and the sociology of social class differences. We encourage future research on social class and discuss some of the challenges inher- ent in conducting it. Several contemporary developments—includ- ing the financial crisis of 2008 (Rajan, 2010), the shrinking of the middle class (Leicht & Fitzger- ald, 2007), and the rise of the “new poor” in America (Cohen, 2010)— have reinjected the is- sue of social class differences and inequality (Stiglitz, 2012) into contemporary discourse. Within organization studies, however, social class has received only scant consideration (cf. Castilla & Benard, 2010; Dacin, Munir, & Tracey, 2010; Scully & Blake-Beard, 2006). While two re- cent exceptions report the consequences of class differences on individual behavior...

Words: 21937 - Pages: 88

Premium Essay

Franchising

...Abstract: This paper works out a conceptual framework for studying the performance of franchising networks. Franchising networks, which originally developed in the context of Western economies, are currently operating in transition economies as well. Some franchising networks fail and some succeed. The paper views performance of networks as a complex process of adaptation to the environment. Characteristics of networks, which appear due to the environment, influence the drivers of performance, i.e. the factors that are responsible for the networks’ success or failure. The paper is theoretical and makes use of different sources of evidence: empirical and theoretical studies on franchising and inter-organisational networks. The conceptual framework is finally tested on a small case study of two franchising networks operating in Russia. JEL-code: Franchising Networks, Performance, Flexibility, Information Exchange, Innovation and Learning Outline I. Introduction 3 II. Definition of franchising networks 4 III. Institutional environment of a transition economy 5 IV. Performance of franchising networks 7 A. Flexibility 7 B. Information exchange 10 C. Innovation and learning 12 IV. Conceptual Framework 15 A. Sociological and Economic Traditions of Network Research 15 B. Economic Theories for the Study of Networks 16 C. Sociological Theories for the Study of Networks 17 D. Conceptual Framework for the study of Performance of Franchising Networks 20 ...

Words: 6518 - Pages: 27

Free Essay

For a Sociology of Worth

...For a Sociology of Worth David Stark Columbia University and the Santa Fe Institute Department of Sociology Columbia University 1180 Amsterdam Ave New York, NY 10027 dcs36@columbia.edu Forthcoming in Vando Borghi and Tommaso Vitale, editors, Le convenzioni del lavoro, il lavoro delle convenzioni, numero monografico di Sociologia del Lavoro, n. 102, Milano: Franco Angeli. For a Sociology of Worth David Stark Columbia University and the Santa Fe Institute Parsons’ Pact Arguably, the founding moment of the field of economic sociology took place more than a half-century ago at Harvard, where Talcott Parsons was developing his grand designs for sociology. Parsons’ ambitions were imperial, but there was one field that Parsons maneuvered around instead of claiming outright. That field was hegemonic in his time and is considerably hegemonic still – the discipline of economics. Parsons, therefore, made overt signals to his colleagues in the Economics Department at Harvard alerting them to his ambitious plans and assuring them that he had no designs on their terrain (see Camic 1987). Basically, Parsons made a pact: in my gloss – you, economists, study value; we, the sociologists, will study values. You will have claim on the economy; we will stake our claim on the social relations in which economies are embedded. What have been the effects of Parsons’ Pact? First, by limiting its range, this jurisdictional division of the social sciences placed constraints on sociology. But...

Words: 8730 - Pages: 35

Free Essay

International Buainess

...Graduate School of Development Studies A Research Paper presented by: Celeste Aida Molina Fernández (Guatemala) in partial fulfilment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of MASTERS OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Specialisation: Rural Livelihoods and Global Change (RLGC) Members of the examining committee: Prof. Dr Max Spoor Prof. Dr Peter Knorringa The Hague, The Netherlands November, 2010 Disclaimer: This document represents part of the author’s study programme while at the Institute of Social Studies. The views stated therein are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Institute. Research papers are not made available for circulation outside of the Institute. Inquiries: Postal address: Institute of Social Studies P.O. Box 29776 2502 LT The Hague The Netherlands Location: Kortenaerkade 12 2518 AX The Hague The Netherlands Telephone: +31 70 426 0460 Fax: +31 70 426 0799 Acknowledgments I would like to express my deepest appreciation to all the people who in one way or another contributed to the completion of this study, especially the interviewees, who generously shared their time and knowledge about the coffee sector in Ethiopia. My sincerest appreciation goes to Bilisuma Dito, who first introduced me to the ECX and provided me with key contacts for the fieldwork. Many thanks to Martha Kibru, Saba Yifredew...

Words: 20624 - Pages: 83

Premium Essay

Notitle

...The Cosmopolitan Society and its Enemies Ulrich Beck I N THIS article I want to discuss three questions: (1) What is a cosmopolitan sociology? (2) What is a cosmopolitan society? (3) Who are the enemies of cosmopolitan societies? What is a Cosmopolitan Sociology? Let me start by attempting to nail a pudding to the wall, that is, defining the key terms ‘globalization’ and ‘cosmopolitanization’. At the beginning of the 21st century the conditio humana cannot be understood nationally or locally but only globally. ‘Globalization’ is a non-linear, dialectic process in which the global and the local do not exist as cultural polarities but as combined and mutually implicating principles. These processes involve not only interconnections across boundaries, but transform the quality of the social and the political inside nation-state societies. This is what I define as ‘cosmopolitanization’: cosmopolitanization means internal globalization, globalization from within the national societies. This transforms everyday consciousness and identities significantly. Issues of global concern are becoming part of the everyday local experiences and the ‘moral life-worlds’ of the people. They introduce significant conflicts all over the world. To treat these profound ontological changes simply as myth relies on a superficial and unhistorical understanding of ‘globalization’, the misunderstandings of neoliberal globalism. The study of globalization and globality, cosmopolitanization and cosmopolitanism...

Words: 12924 - Pages: 52

Premium Essay

Global Political Economy

...GRADUATE DIPLOMA IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND DIPLOMACY STUDENT GUIDELINE NOTES GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY MODULE Paste the notes here… Political economy originally was the term for studying production, buying and selling, and their relations with law, custom, and government. Political economy originated in moral philosophy (e.g. Adam Smith was Professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Glasgow), it developed in the 18th century as the study of the economies of states — polities, hence political economy. In late nineteenth century, the term "political economy" was generally replaced by the term economics, used by those seeking to place the study of economy upon mathematical and axiomatic bases, rather than the structural relationships of production and consumption (cf. marginalism, Alfred Marshall). History of the term Originally, political economy meant the study of the conditions under which production was organized in the nation-states. The phrase économie politique (translated in English as political economy) first appeared in France in 1615 with the well known book by Antoyne de Montchrétien: Traicté de l’oeconomie politique. French physiocrats, Adam Smith, David Ricardo and Karl Marx were some of the exponents of political economy. In 1805, Thomas Malthus became England's first professor of political economy, at the East India Company College, Haileybury, Hertfordshire. The world's first professorship in political economy was established...

Words: 39122 - Pages: 157

Premium Essay

Soci 205

...In sociology, the iron cage is a term coined by Max Weber for the increased rationalization inherent in social life, particularly in Western capitalist societies. The "iron cage" thus traps individuals in systems based purely on teleological efficiency, rational calculation and control. Weber also described the bureaucratization of social order as "the polar night of icy darkness".[1] The original German term is stahlhartes Gehäuse; this was translated into "iron cage", an expression made familiar to English language speakers by Talcott Parsons in his 1930 translation of Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.[2] This translation has recently been questioned by certain sociologists and interpreted instead as the "shell as hard as steel".[2][3] Weber wrote: “ | In Baxter’s view the care for external goods should only lie on the shoulders of the 'saint like a light cloak, which can be thrown aside at any moment.' But fate decreed that the cloak should become an iron cage."[4] | ” | Weber became concerned with social actions and the subjective meaning that humans attach to their actions and interaction within specific social contexts. He also believed in idealism, which is the belief that we only know things because of the meanings that we apply to them. This led to his interest in power and authority in terms of bureaucracy and rationalization. Rationalization and bureaucracy[edit] Weber states, “the course of development involves… the bringing in of calculation...

Words: 10546 - Pages: 43

Free Essay

Social Enterprises a Hybrid Organizations

...Social Enterprises as Hybrid Organizations: A Review and Research Agenda* Bob Doherty, Helen Haugh1 and Fergus Lyon2 The York Management School, University of York, Freboys Lane, York YO10 5GD, UK, 1Judge Business School, University of Cambridge, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1AG, UK, and 2Middlesex University, The Burroughs, London NW4 4BT, UK Corresponding author email: bob.doherty@york.ac.uk The impacts of the global economic crisis of 2008, the intractable problems of persistent poverty and environmental change have focused attention on organizations that combine enterprise with an embedded social purpose. Scholarly interest in social enterprise (SE) has progressed beyond the early focus on definitions and context to investigate their management and performance. From a review of the SE literature, the authors identify hybridity, the pursuit of the dual mission of financial sustainability and social purpose, as the defining characteristic of SEs.They assess the impact of hybridity on the management of the SE mission, financial resource acquisition and human resource mobilization, and present a framework for understanding the tensions and trade-offs resulting from hybridity. By examining the influence of dual mission and conflicting institutional logics on SE management the authors suggest future research directions for theory development for SE and hybrid organizations more generally. Introduction The phenomenon of social enterprise (SE) has attracted...

Words: 14316 - Pages: 58

Free Essay

Modeling the Adoption and Use of Social Media by Nonprofit Organization

...New Media & Society, forthcoming Modeling the adoption and use of social media by nonprofit organizations Seungah Nah; Gregory D. Saxton Seungahn Nah and Gregory D. Saxton. (forthcoming). Modeling the adoption and use of social media by nonprofit organizations. New Media & Society, forthcoming. Abstract: This study examines what drives organizational adoption and use of social media through a model built around four key factors – strategy, capacity, governance, and environment. Using Twitter, Facebook, and other data on 100 large US nonprofit organizations, the model is employed to examine the determinants of three key facets of social media utilization: 1) adoption, 2) frequency of use, and 3) dialogue. We find that organizational strategies, capacities, governance features, and external pressures all play a part in these social media adoption and utilization outcomes. Through its integrated, multidisciplinary theoretical perspective, this study thus helps foster understanding of which types of organizations are able and willing to adopt and juggle multiple social media accounts, to use those accounts to communicate more frequently with their external publics, and to build relationships with those publics through the sending of dialogic messages. Keywords: social media, new media, nonprofit organizations, Facebook, Twitter, technology adoption and use, diffusion of innovation, dialogue, organization-public relations Modeling the Adoption and Use of Social Media 2 ...

Words: 9869 - Pages: 40

Free Essay

Lopalombara

...Power and Politics in Organizations: Public and Private Sector Comparisons Joseph LaPalombara Wolfers Professor of Political Science and Management School of Management Yale University A chapter for the “Process of Organizational Learning” section of the Handbook of Organizational Learning, ed. Meinolf Dierkes, A. Berthoin Antal, J. Child & I. Nonaka. Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming. DRAFT: Please do not cite without author’s permission. Power and Politics in Organizations: Public and Private Sector Comparisons Joseph LaPalombara Yale University Political Organizations and Their Milieu Organizational learning derives most of its knowledge from research on organizations in the private sector, particularly from the study of the firm. Its rich interdisciplinary quality is reflected in the range of social sciences that have contributed to the field’s robust development. The contribution from political science, however, has been minimal (reasons are suggested in the chapter on ‘politics’ by LaPalombara in this volume). The mutual failure of political scientists to pay more systematic attention to organizational learning and of organizational learning specialists to extend their inquiries into the public/political sphere is unfortunate in at least three senses. First, a general theory...

Words: 15177 - Pages: 61