...HANDBOOK of PSYCHOLOGY VOLUME 12 INDUSTRIAL AND ORGANIZATIONALPSYCHOLOGY Walter C. Borman Daniel R. lIgen Richard J. Klimoski Volume Editors Irving B. Weiner Editor-in-Chief 13 THEORIES AND PRACTICES OF ORGANIZATIONAL DEVELOPMENT John R. Austin and Jean M. Bartunek 309 ~ John Wiley & Sons, Inc. CHAPTER 13 Theories and Practices of Organizational Development JOHN R. AUSTIN AND JEAN M. BARTUNEK ORGANIZATION DEVELOPMENT TODAY, NOT YESTERDAY 310 THE CONCEPTUAL 'KNOWLEDGE OF ORGANIZATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 311 Change Process Theories 312 Samples of Contemporary Interventions in Organizational Development 316 Implementation Theories 319 THE CONNECTION BETWEEN IMPLEMENTATION THEORIES AND CHANGE PROCESS THEORIES 321 THE DIVIDE BETWEEN IMPLEMENTATIONTHEORIES AND CHANGE PROCESS THEORIES 322 Barrier 1: Different Knowledge Validation Meth~ 322 Barrier 2: Different Goals and Audiences 323 Barrier 3: Different Theoretical Antecedents 324 STRATEGIES FOR OVERCOMING BARRIERS TO KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER 324 Same-Author Translation 325 Multiple-Author Translation 325 Common Language Translation 326 Translating Implementation Theory to Change Process Theory 326 CONCLUSION 326 REFERENCES 327 From its roots in action research in the 1940s and 1950s (Collier, 1945), and building on Lewin's insight that "there is nothing so practical as a good theory" (Lewin, 1951, p. 169), organizational development has explicitly emphasized both the practice. and the scholarship of...
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...ABSTRACT This article provides an overview of recent developments in historical institutionalism. First, it reviews some distinctions that are commonly drawn between the “historical” and the “rational choice” variants of institutionalism and shows that there are more points of tangency than typically assumed. However, differences remain in how scholars in the two traditions approach empirical problems. The contrast of rational choice’s emphasis on institutions as coordination mechanisms that generate or sustain equilibria versus historical institutionalism’s emphasis on how institutions emerge from and are embedded in concrete temporal processes serves as the foundation for the second half of the essay, which assesses our progress in understanding institutional formation and change. Drawing on insights from recent historical institutional work on “critical junctures” and on “policy feedbacks,” the article proposes a way of thinking about institutional evolution and path dependency that provides an alternative to equilibrium and other approaches that separate the analysis of institutional stability from that of institutional change. INTRODUCTION Institutional analysis has a distinguished pedigree in comparative politics, and the “new” institutionalist literature of the past two decades has both sustained this venerable tradition and deepened our understanding of the role of institutions in political life. At the same time, recent work has given rise to new debates. It is...
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...Institutional Theory Part One Introduction of Institutional Theory What are institutions? The general understanding of institutions can be defined as a set of formal and informal rules of conduct, made by humans that facilitate coordination or govern relationships between individuals, organizations or government. Examples of institutions include laws, regulations, customs, social and professional norms, culture, and ethics. Selznick (1949) notes that "the most important thing about organizations is that, though they are tools, each nevertheless has a life of its own". While he acknowledges rational view that organizations are designed to attain goals, he notes that the formal structures can never conquer the non-rational dimensions of organizational behaviour. Individuals do not act purely based on their formal roles. Organizations do not act purely based on formal structures. Selznick notes that individuals bring other commitments to the organization that can restrict rational decision-making. Institutions exert a constraining influence over organizations, called isomorphism that forces organizations in the same population to resemble other organizations that face the same set of environmental conditions (Hawley, 1968). Then, the isomorphism was further discussed by DiMaggio and Powell (1983) where the analysis of institutions exert three types of isomorphic pressure on organizations: coercive, normative, and mimetic. Coercive isomorphism refers...
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...Theorizing inter-organizational inequality – Conceptual suggestions to overcome a blind spot Organizations form and are embedded in differently structured institutional fields (DiMaggio/Powell 1991, Scott 2008) which embody certain structures of relational positions (Powell et al 2005), i.e. structures of inequality sui generis. Organizational hierarchies, positions in organizational networks, or organizational status do have an impact on, say, the capacities of organizations to engage in institutional work successfully, their internal promotion system, or more generally their ability to affect their own chances as well as chances in the lives of individuals for good or worse. If it is true that individual outcomes depend on organizational structures and those structures are strongly influenced by the social context they are embedded in, that implies not only to treat certain individual outcomes as dependent on organizational factors but ultimately as a function of the relational and relative position organizations find themselves in. Social inequality must therefore be understood and analytically fashioned as a multilevel-phenomenon. Despite that, inter-organizational inequality has been neglected in the study of social inequality and stratification. Studies that reproduce this blind spot firstly may overlook to mechanisms and their underlying institutions that may seriously interfere with the predominant models of ascriptive, variable-centered analysis, secondly they lose...
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...must be followed. A second early development was that of public administration whereby organizations came into being to implement the decisions of government: initially to collect taxes, but increasingly to order and regulate society through laws and the application of various rules (Tushman and Romanelli, 1985). Again, these organizations were characterized by hierarchy of authority and a requirement to comply with its exercise. These models for the large-scale organization of people for a purpose were, with a few exceptions, followed by business organizations as they developed in the Middle Ages and, through industrialization, came to dominate work in society. The study of organizations emerged from what some would call today sociology (Knorr, 1997). This owed its origins to philosophers turning their attention to the way in which whole societies function and, in due course, to the study also of the social constructions which are created in them. Knorr believed that the first studies of organization sought, in the fashion of the time, to identify the essential processes at work in all organizations and to encapsulate these in principles...
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...PERPETUATES INEQUALITY Using a microsociological lens, we develop a theoretical framework that explains how social class distinctions are sustained within organizations. In particular, we intro- duce the concept of “class work” and explicate the cognitions and practices that members of different classes engage in when they come in contact with each other in cross-class encounters. We also elucidate how class work perpetuates inequality, as well as the consequences of class work on organizations and those at the lower end of the organizational hierarchy. By examining microlevel interactions and how they become institutionalized within organizations as prevailing rules and practices, we contribute to both institutional theory and the sociology of social class differences. We encourage future research on social class and discuss some of the challenges inher- ent in conducting it. Several contemporary developments—includ- ing the financial crisis of 2008 (Rajan, 2010), the shrinking of the middle class (Leicht & Fitzger- ald, 2007), and the rise of the “new poor” in America (Cohen, 2010)— have reinjected the is- sue of social class differences and inequality (Stiglitz, 2012) into contemporary discourse. Within organization studies, however, social class has received only scant consideration (cf. Castilla & Benard, 2010; Dacin, Munir, & Tracey, 2010; Scully & Blake-Beard, 2006). While two re- cent exceptions report the consequences of class differences on individual behavior...
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...Abstract: This paper works out a conceptual framework for studying the performance of franchising networks. Franchising networks, which originally developed in the context of Western economies, are currently operating in transition economies as well. Some franchising networks fail and some succeed. The paper views performance of networks as a complex process of adaptation to the environment. Characteristics of networks, which appear due to the environment, influence the drivers of performance, i.e. the factors that are responsible for the networks’ success or failure. The paper is theoretical and makes use of different sources of evidence: empirical and theoretical studies on franchising and inter-organisational networks. The conceptual framework is finally tested on a small case study of two franchising networks operating in Russia. JEL-code: Franchising Networks, Performance, Flexibility, Information Exchange, Innovation and Learning Outline I. Introduction 3 II. Definition of franchising networks 4 III. Institutional environment of a transition economy 5 IV. Performance of franchising networks 7 A. Flexibility 7 B. Information exchange 10 C. Innovation and learning 12 IV. Conceptual Framework 15 A. Sociological and Economic Traditions of Network Research 15 B. Economic Theories for the Study of Networks 16 C. Sociological Theories for the Study of Networks 17 D. Conceptual Framework for the study of Performance of Franchising Networks 20 ...
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...For a Sociology of Worth David Stark Columbia University and the Santa Fe Institute Department of Sociology Columbia University 1180 Amsterdam Ave New York, NY 10027 dcs36@columbia.edu Forthcoming in Vando Borghi and Tommaso Vitale, editors, Le convenzioni del lavoro, il lavoro delle convenzioni, numero monografico di Sociologia del Lavoro, n. 102, Milano: Franco Angeli. For a Sociology of Worth David Stark Columbia University and the Santa Fe Institute Parsons’ Pact Arguably, the founding moment of the field of economic sociology took place more than a half-century ago at Harvard, where Talcott Parsons was developing his grand designs for sociology. Parsons’ ambitions were imperial, but there was one field that Parsons maneuvered around instead of claiming outright. That field was hegemonic in his time and is considerably hegemonic still – the discipline of economics. Parsons, therefore, made overt signals to his colleagues in the Economics Department at Harvard alerting them to his ambitious plans and assuring them that he had no designs on their terrain (see Camic 1987). Basically, Parsons made a pact: in my gloss – you, economists, study value; we, the sociologists, will study values. You will have claim on the economy; we will stake our claim on the social relations in which economies are embedded. What have been the effects of Parsons’ Pact? First, by limiting its range, this jurisdictional division of the social sciences placed constraints on sociology. But...
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...Graduate School of Development Studies A Research Paper presented by: Celeste Aida Molina Fernández (Guatemala) in partial fulfilment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of MASTERS OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Specialisation: Rural Livelihoods and Global Change (RLGC) Members of the examining committee: Prof. Dr Max Spoor Prof. Dr Peter Knorringa The Hague, The Netherlands November, 2010 Disclaimer: This document represents part of the author’s study programme while at the Institute of Social Studies. The views stated therein are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Institute. Research papers are not made available for circulation outside of the Institute. Inquiries: Postal address: Institute of Social Studies P.O. Box 29776 2502 LT The Hague The Netherlands Location: Kortenaerkade 12 2518 AX The Hague The Netherlands Telephone: +31 70 426 0460 Fax: +31 70 426 0799 Acknowledgments I would like to express my deepest appreciation to all the people who in one way or another contributed to the completion of this study, especially the interviewees, who generously shared their time and knowledge about the coffee sector in Ethiopia. My sincerest appreciation goes to Bilisuma Dito, who first introduced me to the ECX and provided me with key contacts for the fieldwork. Many thanks to Martha Kibru, Saba Yifredew...
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...The Cosmopolitan Society and its Enemies Ulrich Beck I N THIS article I want to discuss three questions: (1) What is a cosmopolitan sociology? (2) What is a cosmopolitan society? (3) Who are the enemies of cosmopolitan societies? What is a Cosmopolitan Sociology? Let me start by attempting to nail a pudding to the wall, that is, defining the key terms ‘globalization’ and ‘cosmopolitanization’. At the beginning of the 21st century the conditio humana cannot be understood nationally or locally but only globally. ‘Globalization’ is a non-linear, dialectic process in which the global and the local do not exist as cultural polarities but as combined and mutually implicating principles. These processes involve not only interconnections across boundaries, but transform the quality of the social and the political inside nation-state societies. This is what I define as ‘cosmopolitanization’: cosmopolitanization means internal globalization, globalization from within the national societies. This transforms everyday consciousness and identities significantly. Issues of global concern are becoming part of the everyday local experiences and the ‘moral life-worlds’ of the people. They introduce significant conflicts all over the world. To treat these profound ontological changes simply as myth relies on a superficial and unhistorical understanding of ‘globalization’, the misunderstandings of neoliberal globalism. The study of globalization and globality, cosmopolitanization and cosmopolitanism...
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...GRADUATE DIPLOMA IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND DIPLOMACY STUDENT GUIDELINE NOTES GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY MODULE Paste the notes here… Political economy originally was the term for studying production, buying and selling, and their relations with law, custom, and government. Political economy originated in moral philosophy (e.g. Adam Smith was Professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Glasgow), it developed in the 18th century as the study of the economies of states — polities, hence political economy. In late nineteenth century, the term "political economy" was generally replaced by the term economics, used by those seeking to place the study of economy upon mathematical and axiomatic bases, rather than the structural relationships of production and consumption (cf. marginalism, Alfred Marshall). History of the term Originally, political economy meant the study of the conditions under which production was organized in the nation-states. The phrase économie politique (translated in English as political economy) first appeared in France in 1615 with the well known book by Antoyne de Montchrétien: Traicté de l’oeconomie politique. French physiocrats, Adam Smith, David Ricardo and Karl Marx were some of the exponents of political economy. In 1805, Thomas Malthus became England's first professor of political economy, at the East India Company College, Haileybury, Hertfordshire. The world's first professorship in political economy was established...
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...In sociology, the iron cage is a term coined by Max Weber for the increased rationalization inherent in social life, particularly in Western capitalist societies. The "iron cage" thus traps individuals in systems based purely on teleological efficiency, rational calculation and control. Weber also described the bureaucratization of social order as "the polar night of icy darkness".[1] The original German term is stahlhartes Gehäuse; this was translated into "iron cage", an expression made familiar to English language speakers by Talcott Parsons in his 1930 translation of Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.[2] This translation has recently been questioned by certain sociologists and interpreted instead as the "shell as hard as steel".[2][3] Weber wrote: “ | In Baxter’s view the care for external goods should only lie on the shoulders of the 'saint like a light cloak, which can be thrown aside at any moment.' But fate decreed that the cloak should become an iron cage."[4] | ” | Weber became concerned with social actions and the subjective meaning that humans attach to their actions and interaction within specific social contexts. He also believed in idealism, which is the belief that we only know things because of the meanings that we apply to them. This led to his interest in power and authority in terms of bureaucracy and rationalization. Rationalization and bureaucracy[edit] Weber states, “the course of development involves… the bringing in of calculation...
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...Social Enterprises as Hybrid Organizations: A Review and Research Agenda* Bob Doherty, Helen Haugh1 and Fergus Lyon2 The York Management School, University of York, Freboys Lane, York YO10 5GD, UK, 1Judge Business School, University of Cambridge, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1AG, UK, and 2Middlesex University, The Burroughs, London NW4 4BT, UK Corresponding author email: bob.doherty@york.ac.uk The impacts of the global economic crisis of 2008, the intractable problems of persistent poverty and environmental change have focused attention on organizations that combine enterprise with an embedded social purpose. Scholarly interest in social enterprise (SE) has progressed beyond the early focus on definitions and context to investigate their management and performance. From a review of the SE literature, the authors identify hybridity, the pursuit of the dual mission of financial sustainability and social purpose, as the defining characteristic of SEs.They assess the impact of hybridity on the management of the SE mission, financial resource acquisition and human resource mobilization, and present a framework for understanding the tensions and trade-offs resulting from hybridity. By examining the influence of dual mission and conflicting institutional logics on SE management the authors suggest future research directions for theory development for SE and hybrid organizations more generally. Introduction The phenomenon of social enterprise (SE) has attracted...
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...New Media & Society, forthcoming Modeling the adoption and use of social media by nonprofit organizations Seungah Nah; Gregory D. Saxton Seungahn Nah and Gregory D. Saxton. (forthcoming). Modeling the adoption and use of social media by nonprofit organizations. New Media & Society, forthcoming. Abstract: This study examines what drives organizational adoption and use of social media through a model built around four key factors – strategy, capacity, governance, and environment. Using Twitter, Facebook, and other data on 100 large US nonprofit organizations, the model is employed to examine the determinants of three key facets of social media utilization: 1) adoption, 2) frequency of use, and 3) dialogue. We find that organizational strategies, capacities, governance features, and external pressures all play a part in these social media adoption and utilization outcomes. Through its integrated, multidisciplinary theoretical perspective, this study thus helps foster understanding of which types of organizations are able and willing to adopt and juggle multiple social media accounts, to use those accounts to communicate more frequently with their external publics, and to build relationships with those publics through the sending of dialogic messages. Keywords: social media, new media, nonprofit organizations, Facebook, Twitter, technology adoption and use, diffusion of innovation, dialogue, organization-public relations Modeling the Adoption and Use of Social Media 2 ...
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...Power and Politics in Organizations: Public and Private Sector Comparisons Joseph LaPalombara Wolfers Professor of Political Science and Management School of Management Yale University A chapter for the “Process of Organizational Learning” section of the Handbook of Organizational Learning, ed. Meinolf Dierkes, A. Berthoin Antal, J. Child & I. Nonaka. Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming. DRAFT: Please do not cite without author’s permission. Power and Politics in Organizations: Public and Private Sector Comparisons Joseph LaPalombara Yale University Political Organizations and Their Milieu Organizational learning derives most of its knowledge from research on organizations in the private sector, particularly from the study of the firm. Its rich interdisciplinary quality is reflected in the range of social sciences that have contributed to the field’s robust development. The contribution from political science, however, has been minimal (reasons are suggested in the chapter on ‘politics’ by LaPalombara in this volume). The mutual failure of political scientists to pay more systematic attention to organizational learning and of organizational learning specialists to extend their inquiries into the public/political sphere is unfortunate in at least three senses. First, a general theory...
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