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Mwalimu Nyerere

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CONTENTS ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS iii BACKGROUND INFORMATION 1 Who is Nyerere 1 Birth and education 1 Religion and further studies 1 Political life 2 ACHIEVEMENTS OF JULIUS NYERERE 3 Socialism (Ujamaa) philosophy 3 Friendly international relations 5 Cultural influences 5 Combat for corruption 6 National ethics and value systems 7 CHALLENGES FACED BY JULIUS NYERERE 7 Legacy of Ujamaa and economy 7 Legacy of Ujamaa and family 8 Forced collectivization/Kibuits 8 Centralized government’s control 9 LESSONS TO LEARN FROM MWALIMU NYERERE 9 Humility in leadership 8 Concern, care and generosity to others 9 Socialism 10 CONCLUSION 10 REFERENCES 11 ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ANC-African National Congress CCM-Chama Chama Mapinduzi DRC-Democratic Republic of Congo FRELIMO- Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Mozambique Liberation Front) M.A-Masters of Arts MPLA- Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) PAC-Pan Africanist Congress TAA-Tanganyika African Association TANU-Tanganyika African National Union UN-United Nations ZANLA- Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army

INTRODUCTION
In the study by Bjerk (2012), Julius Kambarage Nyerere was a Tanzanian statesman who served as the leader of Tanzania, previously Tanganyika, from 1960 until his retirement in 1985. He was one of Africa’s most respected figures. Julius Nyerere was a politician of principle and intelligence. Nyerere was known by the Swahili title Mwalimu or 'teacher', his profession prior to politics. He was also referred to as Baba wa Taifa (Father of the Nation).

According to Dunheved (1961), Julius Kambarage Nyerere otherwise called Mwalimu was born in April 13, 1922 at Butiama village, Musoma, Tanzania. He was a son to chief; Burito Nyerere of the small Zanaki ethnic group. His mother was Mgaya Wanyang'ombe. His father died while Kambarage was still young. His mother who raised him died in 1997 at the ripe old age of almost 100 years. Kambarage, the name he was given at birth, means "the spirit which gives rain" in Zanaki because the day he was born a very heavy rain fell. Dunheved (1961) further says that Mwalimu Julius Kambarage started school when he was 12 years old and had to walk 26 miles to achieve his elementary education at Mwetenge primary school in Musoma, Tanzania. He later joined Tabora Secondary School. Nyerere was a brilliant and hardworking student all through. He regularly scored the highest marks in the class and was the leading pupil in all examinations. He received the highest score in the country on the standard four examinations. He joined Makerere College in Kampala, Uganda in 1945.

Bjerk (2012) in his study notes that he was a Roman Catholic and he taught many Catholic schools in Tanganyika. After Makerere University, he took a position as a teacher at Saint Mary's School, owned by the Roman Catholic Church in Tabora. Nyerere received a scholarship to go to Edinburgh University in Scotland where he studied history, politics and economics. In addition, in his spare time he studied Greek and Latin. In 1952, he was the first Tanzanian to be awarded a Masters degree. According to Molony (2014), Nyerere married Maria Gabriel Majige, a primary school teacher, on January 24, 1953. Father William Collins officiated at their wedding. When he returned to Tanzania he was assigned to work at St. Francis School, Pugu. At the university, Nyerere liked to talk about politics, especially the politics of liberation. He also preferred traditional African dances to western forms of dance. He disapproved drinking of alcohol which made some students think he might become a priest. He graduated with a M.A. in History and Economics making him the first Tanganyikan to study at a British University. He returned to Tanganyika with an interest for independence and self-sufficiency for the Tanganyikan people (Messner, 1975).

(Molony 2014) notes that Julius Nyerere joined Tanganyika African Association (TAA) in 1954 where he became leader and changed it to Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). This made the Roman Catholic leadership in charge of St. Francis School at Pugu where he was teaching to choose between teaching at their school and his work in politics. Consequently he decided to resign his teaching position and pursue politics. In 1955, he went to the UN headquarters in New York to petition for independence of Tanganyika. Although the British denied his petition, he had become a force and literally a spokesman for the people of Tanganyika. To control Nyerere's protests, the British council nominated him member of the Tanganyika Legislative Council, but he resigned soon after seeing that it was slowing the process towards independence (Messner, 1975).

With regard to Mwakikagile (2010), in 1958-1959, Nyerere and TANU won a large number of seats on the Legislative Council. A confirmatory election in August 1960 resulted in a landslide victory of 70 of the 71 seats going to TANU making him chief minister of Tanganyika on September 1960. On December 9, 1961, Nyerere became Prime Minister of the independent state of Tanganyika. He resigned however, after one month to devote his time to writing and synthesizing his views of government and African Unity. During this time, he came up with one of his greatest works, “Ujamaa; basically is the Swahili word for family-hood. It was the practice of shared social wealth and work necessary to achieve it. It grew out of communal concept that social wealth belongs to the masses of people who created it and that no one should have such an unequal amount of wealth that it gives him/her the capacity to impose unequal, exploitative or oppressive relations on others. Later Ujamaa was the concept that formed the basis of Julius Nyerere’s social and economic development policies in Tanzania after its independence in 1961 (Chachage & Cassam, 2010).

Mwakikagile (2010) further says that Tanganyika became a Republic in 1962 and he was elected president and in 1964, became the president of Tanzania, the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. He was re-elected president of Tanzania in 1965 and for following terms up until 1985 when he resigned. Before resigning, he handed over his office to successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi. He thereafter remained the head of Tanzania's only political party, Chama Chama Mapinduzi (CCM). Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, a soft spoken, unpretentious leader led Tanzania to independence without bloodshed or strife. He stood for socialism which entailed collective farmlands, mass literacy campaigns, and free education. He also emphasized on the self sufficiency of Tanzania and reduced foreign dependency.

ACHIEVEMENTS OF JULIUS NYERERE
Socialism (Ujamaa) philosophy
Chachage & Cassam (2010) in their work argue that during the period Nyerere was in power, he issued the Arusha Declaration, which called for the implementation of an economic program influenced by African socialist ideas. In 1970s, Tanzania experienced some reforms which made it draw world attention, leading to the long-drawn debate about the merits and demerits of the experiment.
“When in power, Nyerere issued the Arusha Declaration, which called for the implementation of an economic program influenced by African socialist ideas. He also established close ties with the People's Republic of China under Mao Zedong, and introduced a policy of collectivization in the country's agricultural system, known as Ujamaa, "socialism" in the sense of "family-hood" or "extended family"—the Swahili word for socialism comes from the word Jamaa—which literally mean "family-hood" and the "extended family (Osabu, 2000).”

This means that the philosophy had its roots from traditional African values and had core emphasis on family-hood and communalism of African traditional societies. Chachage & Cassam (2010) in their work notes that Ujamaa was founded on a philosophy of development based on three essential namely; freedom, equality and unity. Nyerere (1967), he argued that an ideal society must always be based on these essentials. According to him, there must be equality, because only on that basis will men work cooperatively. There must be freedom, because the individual is not served by society unless it is his. Above that, there must be unity, because only when society is unified can its members live and work in peace, security and well-being. Osabu (2000) notes that, “Ujamaa was supposed to embrace the communal concepts of African culture such as mutual respect, common property and common labor."

In his work Osabu (2000), the concept of socialism brought some positive things such as high literacy level, reduced mortality rates, united Tanzanians across ethnic lines. Through Ujamma, it was possible and easy to provide equipment, facilities and materials for rural population when in a collective area. It made the distribution of fertilizer and seed easier as well as it was possible to provide a good level of education to the population hence high literacy levels. It also made it easy to overcome the problems of tribalism which beset other newly independent African countries.

Friendly international relations
With regard to Legum & Mmari (1995), the then United States president Jimmy Carter, Julius Nyerere and the first lady Rosalynn Carter, 1977 Nyerere’s foreign policy strongly emphasized non-alignment in the Cold War and under his leadership, Tanzania enjoyed friendly relations with the people of the Republic of China, the Soviet bloc as well as the Western world. Indeed, Nyerere always sided with the Chinese in the Sino-Soviet rivalry. Osabu (2000) notes, Nyerere along with several other Pan-Africanist leaders founded the Organization of African Unity in 1963. Nyerere supported several militant groups active in white minority African states, including the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) of South Africa, FRELIMO when it sought to overthrow Portuguese rule in Mozambique, MPLA when it sought to overthrow Portuguese rule in Angola and ZANLA in its war with the Smith government of Rhodesia. From the mid-1970s on, along with President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, he was one of the leaders of the Front Line States which campaigned in support of black majority rule in southern Africa. In 1978 he led Tanzania in war with Uganda, defeating and exiling the government of Idi Amin (Chachage & Cassam, 2010). All these efforts made Tanzania through Nyerere to develop friendly relations with other nations. According to Osabu (2000), outside of Africa Nyerere was an inspiration to Walter Lini and Prime Minister of Vanuatu. Lecturers inspired by Nyerere also taught at the University of Papua New Guinea in the 1980s, helping educated Melanesians familiarize themselves with his ideas.

Cultural influences
In the late 1960s, Nyerere criminalized immoral forms of culture including soul music, unapproved films and magazines, miniskirts and tight trousers. Through his tenure and in the years after his presidency, he remained a great influence upon the people of Tanzania. Nyerere strongly believed that socialism was an attitude of mind that refuted discrimination and entailed equality of all human beings. Therefore, it can be regarded that Ujamma is the philosophy which created the social environment for the development of hip hop culture in Tanzania. As in other countries, hip hop emerged in post-colonial Tanzania when divisions among the population were prominent, whether by class, ethnicity or gender. Rappers broadcasted messages of freedom, unity and family, topics that are all significant of the spirit Nyerere put forth in Ujamaa. In addition, Nyerere supported the presence of foreign cultures in Tanzania saying, "A nation which refuses to learn from foreign cultures is nothing but a nation of idiots and lunatics but to learn from other cultures does not mean we should abandon our own." Under his leadership, the Ministry of National Culture and Youth was formed to encourage Tanzanian popular culture, in this case hip hop, to develop and flower. As a result of Nyerere's presence in Tanzania, the genre of hip hop was welcomed from overseas in Tanzania and blended with the spirit of Ujamaa (Osabu, 2000).

Combat for corruption
According to Legum & Mmari (1995), Nyerere remained the chairperson of CCM after his presidency until 1990 when he handed over to Ali Hassan Mwinyi. During all this period, Nyerere remained very vocal about the extent of corruption and the corrupt officials during Mwinyi’s administration. He also served as chairman of the independent International South Commission from 1987 to 1990 and chairman of the South Centre in the Geneva and Dar es Salaam Offices during the period of 1990 to 1999. Nyerere is known for dismantling the hotbed of mal-government, greed and grabbing which were based in Dar es Salaam and the whole decision-making machines set up anew in provincial, district, locations and cell headquarters. He commented that corruption, incompetence and bad government were so decentralized.
National ethics and value systems
Nyerere introduced his thoughts on a “national ethic” while approving the new republican constitution and the powerful executive it envisioned. Having long advocated a single-party political system, he argued that the key to a sustainable democratic system was not to be found in constitutional safeguards, no matter how creatively planned. Looking around the world, he had come to the conclusion that any electoral system could be just as easily manipulated as a dictatorship and that for a democratic system to work at all there had to be a consensus, shared among people and leaders alike, about the constraints on political decisions within the nation-state system (Chachage & Cassam, 2010). With the constitution representing a shallow legal traditional in the newly independent country, Nyerere sought to articulate a popular philosophy around basic civil and economic rights that would define what it meant to be Tanganyikan and thus designate the limits of legitimate politics. He was very much concerned that racial extremists could win democratic elections, as had happened in Rwanda, and therefore plant the seeds of division that would destroy democratic society. They further say that a deeper legitimacy had to be established to guarantee the sovereignty of the racially harmonious and economically equitable society that Nyerere envisioned. His task during that year was to find a language in which he could talk with rural and uneducated Tanganyikans about political choices amidst the ideological battles of the age.

CHALLENGES FACED BY JULIUS NYERERE
Legacy of Ujamaa and economy
Ujamaa was a philosophy intended to foster economic development and prosperity and ensure its economic self-reliance. Nationalization and villagization neither helped Tanzania into economic prosperity as anticipated. Though a lot of debate revolves around this aspect, what remains outstanding is the influence and legacy of Ujamaa as a development strategy. According to Mwakikagile (2006), there are some scholars who argue that Ujamaa policies were pure failures and that under Nyerere, Tanzania's economic progress was distorted and resources wasted in the "slavish adherence to ideology", giving rise to a marginalized rural sector and a corrupt and inefficient bureaucracy thus Nyerere’s idealism was detrimental to the country’s development. Through his failed economic schemes, he left his country poorer than it would have been under less utopian-minded leadership (Legum & Mmari, 1995).

Legacy of Ujamaa and family
According to Messner (1975), addressing parliament in the capital Dar es Salaam in July 1970, Nyerere defined ujamaa as the basis of African socialism. “Ujamaa is familyhood and an attitude of the mind that is needed to ensure people care for each other’s welfare,” he said. “In traditional African society, the people take care of the community and the community takes care of them, without exploiting each other.”

Forced collectivization; Kibuits
According to Oxford dictionary, collectivization is the process of forming collectives or collective communities where property and resources are owned by the community and not individuals. Messner (1975) notes that in Tanzania, collectivization speeded up in 1971 following a large percentage of the population resisting it. President Nyerere used his police and military forces to forcibly transfer much of the population into collective farms. To effect collectivization, houses were set on fire or demolished with property inside. Those who opposed the policy were denied food. Significant amount of the country’s wealth was destroyed or forcibly abandoned, livestock was lost, stolen of died while others felling ill. According to Messner (1975), for Nyerere, larger villages were means of bringing the people under the purview of a central government so that they could be provided with social amenities and to also enable the government control them politically.

Centralized government’s control
Legum & Mmari (1995), the government of Tanzania had a very centralized form of governance especially over tobacco and tea dominating arable land with only cash crops. This is because the government thought that, such crops were only beneficial to the central government thus prohibiting others from growing such crops. As a result, food production dropped drastically and only foreign aid could prevent starvation. Tanzania was known to have the largest exporter of food in Africa and was always able to feed its people, but it became the largest importer of food in Africa. Many sectors of the government collapsed dur to its centralized control (Messner, 1975).

LESSONS TO LEARN FROM JULIUS NYERERE
Firstly, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere was a humble leader who admitted his failures and mistakes without excuses. He can be referred to be the most hones African leader who stood for idealism and principle. Mwalimu relinquished power when other leaders were consolidating it in efforts to remain in power for longer despite opposition from the citizens. In deed he volunteered during his retirement in 1985. African leaders should learn this right from family level to government level, we should be ready to relinquish power if need be.

Secondly, Nyerere was a concerning, caring and generous leader whom we can emulate. Mwalimu’s innovation, participation and democratic efforts to build socialism which the world had never realized put Tanzania in a unique position from other countries. His aims and efforts were to transform it into a socialist society. This shows a high degree of selfless role model, concern for everyone, generosity and a heart of caring. We should always fearlessly fight for the oppressed, hungry, naked and the prisoned as the bible advocates in the book of Isaiah.

Consequently, it is worth to learn positively from the socialism (Ujamaa) movement. The Ujamaa movement is known to have made significant successes in social welfare such as provision of health and educational facilities. This movement led to greater social equality in income distribution, maintenance of political stability and the achievement of a substantial degree of harmony between country’s ethnic groups. According to Mwakikagile (2006), there are issues worth addressing in any appraisal of Ujamaa as a development experiment. What we can learn from this movement is that, we need cooperation, unity, freedom and equality in any sphere of life. The main aspect is aiming to achieve self-reliance. People should be seen as the most vital social resources which need to be mobilized and cooperation built hence attain self-reliance. This promotes literacy among adults and children.

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, Julius Nyerere was a very determined, patient hard working leader who was had passion in everything that he was doing we can clearly see this even at his early age when he was 12 years of age and was beginning his studies. He used to walk for 26 miles to Musoma to do so which clearly show how determined he was even as young boy. This teaches us that if you want to live your dreams it’s better to start the foundation now because everything good comes after a hard work and determination. Nyerere resigned from the office of the presidency in 1985. Nyerere was a great politician and African thinker as well as a philosopher. Julius Kambarage Nyerere, finally died on October 14, 1999 at St. Thomas' hospital in London.
REFERENCES
Bjerk, P. (2012). Nyerere Julius. Oxford, USA: Oxford University Press
Chachage, C., & Cassam, A. (2010). Africa's Liberation: The Legacy of Nyerere. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers.
Dunheved, G. (1961). Julius Nyerere: A Biography. Trenton, USA: Africa World Press.
Legum, C., & Mmari, G. (1995). Mwalimu: The Influence of Nyerere. Trenton, USA: Africa World Press.
Messner, J. (1975). Julius K. Nyerere: Teacher of Africa. New York, USA: Simon & Schuster Inc.
Molony, T. (2014). Nyerere: The Early Years. New York, USA: Boydell & Brewer Inc.
Mwakikagile, G. (2006). Tanzania under Mwalimu Nyerere: Reflections on an African Statesman. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: New Africa Press.
Mwakikagile, G. (2010). Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: New Africa Press.
Nyerere, J. (1968). Freedom and Socialism. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Oxford University Press.
Osabu, D. T. (2000). Compatible Cultural Democracy: The Key to Development in Africa. New York, USA: Boydell & Brewer Inc.

http://www.biography.com/people/julius-nyerere-9426081

https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/nyerere/biography.htm

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...NEW YORK UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW AND POLITICS GUIDE TO FOREIGN AND INTERNATIONAL LEGAL CITATIONS FIRST EDITION ● 2006 © Copyright 2006 by New York University Contents FORWARD AND GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS................................................................................................. xiii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................................................................xv COUNTRY CITATION GUIDES ARGENTINA...............................................................................................................................................................1 I. COUNTRY PROFILE ..................................................................................................................................1 II. CITATION GUIDE.......................................................................................................................................2 1.0 CONSTITUTION...................................................................................................................................2 2.0 LEGISLATION......................................................................................................................................2 3.0 JURISPRUDENCE ................................................................................................................................3 4.0 BOOKS .....................................

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