As an amalgamation of the old and the new, Shanghai is commonly known as an archetype of modernity and a herald of the future. Despite its intimate connection with typified globalization processes, China’s modernization needs to be understood as “an endogenous process that will lead to a distinct form of Chinese modernity” (Friedmann). As the scale and size of China’s urbanization continues at an unprecedented rate, multiple socio-economic changes will occur that will have implications on both domestic and global levels. While unparalleled urbanization guarantees substantial new markets and investment opportunities, it also introduces many multifaceted challenges to overcome. The challenge of growing urban populations will transmit increasing demands on the security of funding for various social services, while affecting the supply and demand of essential resources such as clean water, land and energy. It is for these reasons, that, “stories of architectural construction are not only about engineering and aesthetics; they also include cultural and sociological perspectives”(). In essence, examining the intersections of the past and present within the contemporary urban backdrop of Shanghai will serve as a catalyst in assessing the effects of urban construction on Shanghai and its citizens. This reflection will focus on new and reconstructed space in a historical and contemporary context. The history of the Bund will provide the political context of Shanghai’s rise and fall during its colonization. The Pudong Skyline-the ultimate symbol of China’s ever growing clout-stands as a monument to corporate power and the global economy, revealing Shanghai’s consistent drive for modernization.

The Rise and Fall of Colonial Power- The Bund
Shanghai’s very unique history can be traced through its colonial legacy and capitalist boom. In fact, it is argued that the rise of shanghai “has been quite remarkably stimulated by the revival of the city’s cultural tradition” (Yu). According to Hanchao Lu, Beijing’s recognition and endorsement of Shanghai’s growth has resulted in the proliferation of dialogue concerning old Shanghai and its culture. This has allowed for the reemergence of Shanghai’s “old commercial spirit and cosmopolitanism” (Yu). The essence of old shanghai is encompassed by the notion of Shanghai nostalgia, which refers to Shanghai’s desire to return to its time of western influence, Lu puts this paradoxical concept in to perspective, “unlike nostalgia that in most cases rejects mainstream culture, the shanghai nostalgia is part of it. Unlike nostalgia that usually protests about the present, shanghai nostalgia celebrates it” (Lu). What is so conflicting about this view is the fact that longing for the past is associated with the threat of restoring capitalism. In this light nostalgia seems incredibly irrelevant in a nation striving for modernization.

Shanghai’s Modernization- Pudong skyline
Juxtaposed against the policies forecasted in the Twelfth Five Year plan, ‘transformation’- the ‘trend’ and ‘direction’ of change- stands as the main objective and driving force behind economic and urban policy in Shanghai. In Shanghai, transformation can be portrayed as “a response to the interaction between economic development and social and environmental cost” (Urban China). In this age of transition the economic, social and environmental components of Shanghai have undergone massive change. According to Urban China Magazine, the “economic realm” heavily influences the discourse about Chinese urban transition, making the Chinese model of development innately production oriented – excluding basic humanistic or eco-friendly considerations. One of the greatest icons of economic transformation and modernity is none other than the Pudong skyline. In the 1980s, Puxi and Pudong were two different worlds: Puxi was Shanghai, and Pudong a mere vegetable field. Starting in the 1990’s the expansion of the city to the east of the Huangpu River, in addition to the remarkable development of the Pudong zone offers a compelling example of the various political mechanisms, complexity and character of urban land development and spatial change in the context of China’s rapidly growing transitional economy (Susan & Clifton, 2006). Much of Pudong was rural in the late 1970s, before the massive infusion of foreign and domestic investments. By 2000, most of the land in the major development zones had been transformed into urban and industrial arenas.

In addition to symbolizing China’s ever-growing clout, the creation of Pudong served as a mechanism to “break the state” from international isolation after the Tiananmen incident in 1989 (Wu, 2009). Its massive scale suggested the determination of the central government to remake Shanghai as a world city. With this objective, the construction of the Pudong area has brought in vast foreign investment, due to its strategic location in the Yangtze River Valley. Pudong also provides Shanghai with a new central business district (CBD) that houses a variety of business ventures. Nanjing Road and Huaihai Road form the traditional commercial centers of the city. A host of financial institutions, corporate headquarters and commercial and cultural activities are housed there, including the Shanghai Stock Market and over 40 foreign banks. It is important to note that this is the only area in the country where foreign banks are allowed by the central government to have regular business operations in local currency (Yusuf & Wu,2002).

Although the development of the Pudong skyline stands as an impressive feat, considerations must be made to new districts that will inevitably compete with the central city for resources. Yusuf and Wu stipulate the challenge lies in pursuing specialization without foregoing the benefit of agglomeration. Shanghai's development funds will be insufficient if they are spread too widely on endeavors like premature overbuilding. This is already evident in parts of Pudong where many new residential and commercial buildings remain vacant, indicating the large disparity between supply and demand (Yusuf & Wu, 2002).