...IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY (THE I.R.A.) 1.0 Background and History The I.R.A. has been around for some time. Activist militant Irishmen joined Feniean brotherhoods, organization that evolved into the Sinn Fein and it militant wing, the Irish Republican Army, which was founded in 1858. Money to support these movements came from Irishmen abroad, many of them having worked their way to influential positions in American trade unions. In 1867, anti-English sentiments were inflamed when a mob in Manchester, England attacked a police van in an attempt to free two Irish-American members of the pro-Irish-separatist Fenian Brotherhood. A policeman was killed and three members of group were executed after a controversial trial. The armed Fenian rebellion of 1867 was quickly put down by the British and turned out to be a dismal failure. Most of Ireland's revolutionaries were not from the embittered working classes or rural poor. Rather they were landowners, members of Parliament, and middle class professionals. Some were educated at Cambridge and Oxford. Belfast mural The Irish Republican Army (the I.R.A.) is Catholic-based paramilitary group whose objectives were to drive the British out of Northern Ireland and reunify Northern Ireland with Ireland. The I.R.A. was committed to the use of the violence to achieve these goals. The logic seemed to be that if they blow up enough buildings and killed enough people, the British and the their supporters would give up and leave Northern Ireland...
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...damage; • Mortar attacks on the British prime minister's residence and London's Heathrow Airport in the early 1990s; • Bombings of civilian targets, including pubs, shops, and subway stations, in Northern Ireland and Britain throughout the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. • Involvement in organized criminal activities, such as extortion, bank robbery, smuggling, and counterfeiting. 6. What is being done to eliminate this terrorist group? The Good Friday Agreement The IRA ceasefire in 1997 formed part of a process that led to the 1998 Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement between Ireland and British Governments. One aim of the Agreement is that all paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland cease their activities and disarm by May 2000. Calls from Sinn Féin, a political party in Ireland, led the IRA to commence disarming in a process that was monitored by Canadian General John de Chastelain's decommissioning body in October 2001. However, following the collapse of the Stormont power-sharing government in 2002, which was partly triggered by allegations that republican spies were operating within Parliament Buildings and the Civil Service, the IRA temporarily broke off contact with General de Chastelain. In December 2004, attempts to persuade the IRA to...
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...Sinn Fein Sinn Fein (/ʃɪn ˈfeɪn/ shin-FAYN) is an Irish republican political party active in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. The name is Irish for "ourselves" or "we ourselves",although it is frequently mistranslated as "ourselves alone:Originating in the Sinn Fein organization founded in 1905 by Arthur Griffith, it took its current form in 1970 after a split within the party (the other party is the Workers' Party of Ireland), and has been associated with the Provisional Irish Republican Army Gerry Adams has been party president since 1983. Sinn Fein is currently the second-largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly, where it has four ministerial posts in the power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive, and the fourth-largest party in the Oireachtas, the parliament of the Republic. Sinn Fein also received a plurality of Northern Ireland votes in the 2010 United Kingdom general election, although the Democratic Unionist Party won more seats. Police Service of Northern Ireland The Police Service of Northern Ireland (Irish: Seirbhís Póilíneachta Thuaisceart Éireann, Ulster Scots: Polis Servis o Norlin Airlan) is the police force that serves Northern Ireland. It is the successor of the defunct Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) which, in turn, was the successor to the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) in Northern Ireland. Although the majority of PSNI officers are still from the Protestant community, this dominance is not as pronounced as it was in the RUC because...
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...The Easter Rising In Ireland 1916, there was an event known as The Easter Rising. The roots of the Rising lie in the ‘new nationalism’ which emerged in Ireland from the 1890s. Its most significant outcome was the rejuvenation of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB). This small, underground, revolutionary body planned and directed the insurrection in 1916. The truly dynamic element was a tiny minority within this organization; they were acting on the old republican principle: ‘England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity’. In August 1915, this group formed the IRB Military Council. It was eventually composed of seven members – Thomas Clarke, Sean MacDermott, Patrick Pearse, Eamonn Ceannt, Joseph Plunkett, James Connolly, and Thomas MacDonagh. All seven approved and signed the Proclamation, and together they declared themselves to be the ‘Provisional Government’ of the Irish Republic when the Rising began. They were aided throughout by an Irish-American organization, Clan na Gael, which shared their aims and provided virtually the only channel of contact between the insurgents and Germany, from whom they hoped to receive military backing. The IRB was too small in number and covert in operation to precipitate a full-scale rising. For this purpose, it hoped to use the Irish Volunteer Force (IVF). This organization had been formed in 1913 by moderate nationalists, impressed by the impact of the Ulster Volunteer Force and frustrated by the delay in Britain granting...
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...terrorist. Collins orchestrated much of the political and militaristic provocation that led to the violent escalation of the Anglo-Irish war for independence, and eventually was one of the principal supporters and signers of the treaty that lead to the establishment of the Irish Free State and de-escalation of violence in the region. The widespread characterization of Collins as terrorist is principally derived of his actions and association with the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) which later became the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Sinn Fein. Collins significant political and demonstrative participation in the battle for Irish independence began with the former group when he participated as a volunteer during the Easter Uprising, an action planned to foster support for the Irish cause. These actions comprised the first portion of Collins’ life as a dissident and insurgent. It would be his subsequent involvement in Sinn Fein that would characterize him as a terrorist. Collins participated financially and by procuring weapons to help the organization’s efforts at rebellion. Though these actions alone are not enough to characterize Collins as a terrorist, he also organized a hit squad and setup much of the organization’s extensive intelligence network. He obtained a list of British and loyalist Irish police and intelligence officer and sent hit squads to their homes and killed them. He also attacked police stations and continued a campaign of terror against...
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...“This Time is Different: Comparing Al-Qaeda’s Unique Place in the History of Terrorism with the Freedom Fighters of the Irish Republican Army” Al Qaeda and the Irish Republican Army are two of the most complex and famous terrorist organizations in modern history. While both groups share some principles with one another, and undoubtedly have committed and continue to commit horrible acts, the world’s perception of each is undoubtedly different from the other. There is an apparent contradiction in Karl Heinzen’s famous quote: “If to kill is always a crime, then it is forbidden equally to all; if it is not a crime, then it is permitted equally to all.”[1] This difference in public perception is a result of several key tenets of each organization’s strategy and structure. The IRA fights to protect and support the liberties of the Irish people, while Al Qaeda relies upon the religious doctrine of a radical Islamic minority to carry out jihad against Western infidels. Al Qaeda, while claiming to represent the entire Muslim world, has never had a real home or a consistent base to draw upon; inversely, a large proportion of the Irish people are steadfast in their support for the cause. Al Qaeda’s indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians has resulted in a falling out with a large percentage of its former supporters. Finally, the IRA had a distinct, tangible, and realistic goal of expelling the British from Ireland, while Al Qaeda seeks to establish a new caliphate based...
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...on Anglo-Irish relations 1916-1922? Michael Collins played a key role within the IRA in the Irish war of independence as well as an elected member of Sinn Fein. Many people believe Collins was the best man available for the task in hand of leading Ireland in the quest for independence, ‘One day he'll be a great man. He'll do great work for Ireland’ was a quote from Michael Collins’ father on his deathbed. Collins was first active during the Easter rising of 1916 fighting alongside Patrick Pearse as part of the Irish Republican Brotherhood occupying the General Post Office for several days before surrendering. The rising was a military failure but left a legacy and sense of national pride which Collins was willing to utilise. ‘The greatest result of the rising is the complete and revival of Irish nationality. WE have been...now we have awakened to the knowledge that we really are a separate nation. ‘ That quote is an extract from Moira Reagan’s story in the New York Times, September 1916. I believe the source to be reliable as the story was published in a trustworthy newspaper at the time and the women who told the story lived in the period and understood the mood and patriotism of the Irish population. The majority of the leaders of the rising were executed, many members of the rising joined the nationalist party Sinn Fein and Collins quickly rose through the ranks of the organisation thanks to his intellect and self-confidence. A Dublin surgeon summed Collins up by saying...
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...In considering the process of change in the development of Irish Nationalism between the years 1815 and 1922, how far can the Potato Famine (1845-49) be seen as a turning point? Irish nationalism has been said to have changed hugely during the period of 1815 to 1922 in which the movement of nationalism took many changes in directions to complete a vast range of goals including fair rent and Home Rule. These changes were caused by different turning points along the way of which the Potato Famine has been said a key one. The Potato Famine did cause change to an extent but was not alone in the changing in direction of the Irish nationalist movement as other turning points contributed such as Catholic Emancipation, and the first Home Rule bill which both changed the objectives and strategies of the nationalist movement to an extent. The Potato Famine can be seen as a turning point in the change of Irish Nationalism as it was the first time the country had collectively focused on campaigning for cultural nationalism and this suddenly came about due to the catastrophic changes the famine had on the majority of the classes in Ireland, especially amongst the lower-class. It not only created a deep-seated hatred towards Britain amongst the Catholic population, but also had the devastating effect on the Irish population. It led to the death of approximately one million people and, by 1850, to the emigration of a further one and a half million. It accelerated a prolonged reversal of...
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...Socio-evolutionary identity plays a fundamental role in the building of the character of any nation, with Northern Ireland being no different. The constellation of discursive issues that demarcate Irelands conflicted history, are complex and multifarious. The conflict is steeped in the historical context of religious conviction, monarchical dispossession of territory and rights, a distrust of government and the impact of socio-economics on its people. Scholars, politicians and men of the cloth, from all sides of the political floor and religious faiths have assessed and reviewed the Irish ‘troubles’ and all remain convinced that they have the answer, the defining commitment or the epiphany that will or would have restored the island to peace and unity. However like all protracted conflicts the original catalyst is often lost or manifests into a raft of idiosyncratic reasons to fight. When we dissect the conflict down to base elements, there remains two strategic themes, the first being the alignment of faith between the Protestant minority and the Catholic majority and the second base element is the alignment of allegiance of country. The Catholic Nationalist desire for a unified Irish nation and the Unionist commitment to a fractured island with a northern annex, controlled by the United Kingdom is at the essence of the conflict. Whilst this might seem a myopic view of the struggle, it is difficult to reframe the conflict beyond its ethno-nationalist agenda and “Irishness...
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...1 On Easter Monday, April 24, 1916, a group of Irish nationalists also known as the Easter Rebellion proclaimed the establishment of the Irish Republic and, along with 1,600 followers, staged a rebellion against the British government in Ireland. The rebels seized prominent buildings in Dublin and clashed with British troops. Within a week, the insurrection had been suppressed and over 450 people including civilians had died. The leaders of the rebellion soon were executed. Initially, there was little support from the Irish people for the Easter Rising; however, public opinion later shifted and the executed leaders were hailed as martyrs, as this brave act would lead the way towards Irish independence. In 1921, a treaty was signed that in 1922 established the Irish Free State, which eventually became the modern-day Republic of Ireland. 2 With the Act of Union in 1800, Ireland (which had been under some form of English control since the 12th century) merged with Great Britain to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. As a result, Ireland lost its parliament in Dublin and was governed by a united parliament from Westminster in London. During the 19th century, groups of Irish nationalists opposed this arrangement in varying degrees. Some moderate nationalists advocated for home rule, under which Ireland would remain part of the United Kingdom but also have some form of self-government. Several home rule bills were defeated in Parliament in the late 1800s before...
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...As millions of Americans prepare to cast their votes for either Obama, Romney or any of the third party candidates who rarely get a mention, Stormont MLAs are deliberating on whether 16-year-olds should get the right to choose their elected representatives. Martin McGuinness told me on Inside Politics last month that the decision to allow 16-year-olds to vote in the Scottish independence referendum should set a precedent for any future border poll. This wasn't exactly a surprise - Sinn Fein has long advocated lowering the voting age. Apart from the principled argument put forward by Sinn Fein's Megan Fearon on the BBC's Sunday Politics that such an initiative will help young people connect with their politicians, there's another reason why nationalists might favour votes at 16. The latest statistics produced by the Department of Education in May show that the religious breakdown of Northern Ireland's 300,000 school pupils was 51% Catholic, 37% Protestant with the rest defined either as other Christian, non-Christian or no religion. Whilst in these changing times it's dangerous to assume that someone's religion equates to their politics, it's easy to see why nationalists might draw more heart from these statistics than unionists. Which makes it more of a surprise that the Ulster Unionists have decided to support lowering the voting age. Perhaps the UUP was sensitive to all those commentators who used to stereotype the party as a bunch of grey men in grey suits...
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...story based on his own experience. Frank O'Connor puts his personal thoughts and experiences to arrange the characters in order to talks about the relationship between personal duty and humanity during the war, which also implies the relationship between political conflicts and the hope of peaceful life for humans. Though out history, at the beginning Ireland was a British colony, the economic depressed and had a time of hardship. By 1900, the Irish Civil War loomed. In the summer of 1913, Dublin workers went on strike for 5 months, indicating that the proletariat had become the Irish independent political force. During World War I in 1914, the Irish national fighting moved to further. Easter Rising broke out in April 1916. In 1919, the Sinn Fein refused to attend the British Parliament, but held their own in the Dublin parliament and the creation of army. In 1921, the Irish Civil War occurred; the Irish people started fighting for national independence, autonomy for land rights, and the struggle to recover. The Republic of Ireland was established (Lambert). O'Connor's background change strongly related to the history of the Irish Civil War. He experienced a difficult childhood. On the main page of New World Encyclopedia states that “In 1918, he joined the First Brigade of the Irish Republican Army in its resistance to British rule. Following the war, the...
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...the platform for militant activity against British Rule but in the shorter term it was also the catalyst for the expression of other nationalist feelings, some of which took on a greater constitutional outlook. The high point of cultural nationalism came with the splitting of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and the formation of the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) in 1884. This growth of cultural nationalism was expressed by a growing interest in Irish history; its language, sport, and folklore. The fomenting of militant nationalism stemmed from increasing disillusionment with the IPP and its continuing failure to achieve Home Rule. In turn this impacted on the renaissance of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and the birth of Sinn Féin. Militant nationalism culminated in the Easter Rising...
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...1. Make short notes on the role of history: ethnicity and religion, colonization and conquest that relate to the Irish controversy. 2. List the factors that came together to support the Good Friday Agreement. What were the 'sticking points'? 1. Ulster/Ireland: Identity Blur Ireland is an island to the northwest of continental Europe. It is the third-largest island in Europe and the twentieth-largest island on Earth. To its east is the larger island of Great Britain, from which it is separated by the Irish Sea. Politically, Ireland is divided between the Republic of Ireland, which covers just under five-sixths of the island, and Northern Ireland, a part of the United Kingdom, which covers the remainder and is located in the northeast of the island. The population of Ireland is approximately 6.4 million. Just under 4.6 million live in the Republic of Ireland and just under 1.8 million live in Northern Ireland. (Wikepedia) In 1171, following permission from the Pope Adrian IV; Henry II landed in Ireland on an expansionist expedition. For the church, the ‘bull’ (papal order) encouraged Henry to take control in Ireland in order to oversee the financial and administrative reorganization of the Irish Church and its integration into the Roman Church system. For Britain, this represented an expansion of the empire and their European influence. In the subsequent centuries, Irish and English cultures were deeply intertwined, under the canopy of the Catholic Church. During these...
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...The Black & Tans in Ireland, 1920-1921: Their Origins, Roles and Legacy From January 1919 until a truce came into effect on 11 July 1921, a state of undeclared war existed in some areas of Ireland between guerilla units of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), representing the independence aspirations of militant Irish nationalism, and the forces of the British Military who were charged with the task of restoring law and order in this part of the United Kingdom. With neither a state of war nor martial law being declared by the British authorities in Ireland – martial law did come eventually in December 1920/January 1921 but it applied only to eight counties in the southern-most part of the country – the military was confined largely to a supporting role, leaving the civil administration based at Dublin Castle heavily reliant on the enforcement powers of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) in its efforts to curb the insurgent Irish nationalists. From the IRA’s perspective, the RIC was seen as “a means to restrain in every locality any opposition to the regime it served.” In a response to this apparent menace, early in 1919 the IRA began a campaign of intimidation against officers of the RIC, who were subjected to threats, violent attacks and exclusion of their families from the local community. Other locals who dared to show support or even sympathy for RIC families thereafter were similarly intimidated...
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