The Navajo of the American Southwest
Timothy Barker

The Navajo of the American Southwest
“The one called farm is your mother.
Those that are called your livestock are your mother.
Those called sheep are your mother.
Sheep are life.”
Begishe and Werner (as cited in Whitherspoon, 1970)
The Navajo of the American Southwest are the largest recognized tribe in the United States. The Diné (meaning “the People”), as they prefer to be called, were originally nomadic hunter and gathers. They migrated from the pacific northwest of North America about 700 years ago. After encountering the Spanish in the 16th century, who introduced the Navajo to sheep, they soon became pastoral and started growing small crops. In the following, their social organization, kinship system, beliefs, and healing practices will be briefly examined to gain a better insight into their unique culture.
To the Navajo all society and culture in inexorable tied to its world of mythology. In the mind of the Navajo there are of the Fourth World of creation. In the Fourth World, First Man and First Woman took a turquoise figure of a baby girl and laid it between two perfect buckskin blankets. While they sand the sacred songs, Wind entered between the buckskins. Afterwards First Man removed the top buckskin revealing a baby girl who was to be called Changing Woman. She was called this because she reached puberty in 12 days. From the union of Changing Woman and the Sun are all the Earth Surface People, the Navajo, descended (Frey, n.d.).
The Navajo “refer to Changing Woman with the term “-má” (mother) and refer to the Sun as “-tah” (father). Changing Woman is identified with a multitude of other beings, objects and places, all of which are called “-má” (mother)” (Whitherspoon, 1970). To the Navajo the concept of motherhood is all encompassing and the foundation of its society. “The earth is called mother and provides the bond by which all living beings are kindred… they symbolically came up out of the womb of the earth. This is expressed in the important kinship term … “those with whom one came out of the womb” (Whitherspoon, 1970). Herein we see the most important factor in Navajo culture: Motherhood and siblings, those with whom one came out of the womb. Thus, we see that in Navajo society there are two types of relationships, the conjugal bond, and the uterine bond.
For the Navajo the bond between mother and child is the strongest and finds its expression in affection, care, sustenance, and subsistence. The relationship with the husband is secondary, being one of the outsider coming in. He provides those things the children and the mother cannot provide for themselves. “He is a symbol of strength and leadership” (Witherspoon, 1970).
Anthropologists refer to the basic familial unit among the Navajo as the “residential group”. This is composed of several nuclear families residing in close proximity to one another and all have their sheep in one herd. As the Navajo observe matrilineal decent, this extended family gathering is headed by the woman of the highest ascending generation. Her husband would be the leader of the group and would control the resources of the group by his virtue of being her husband. This leadership role never passes from one man to another but rather to the husband of the woman of the next highest ascending generation (Whitherspoon, 1970). The “residential unit provides a place of residence and subsistence base for its members. It is a multifunctional corporation. Its major asset is land. Its major enterprise is most often the sheep herd. Most of its members are stockholders; that is, they have livestock in the common herd. Recruitment is by marriage and by decent from a matrifocal head. Child care and socialization are other major functions of the unit” (Whitherspoon, 1970).
According to Navajo tradition, every being in the world be it plant, animal, mineral, or human has the inalienable freedom and right to live, eat and act for itself. Life is held to be sacred. If one needs to take the life of an animal or plant for real and immediate need a prayer explaining his need and asking the pardon of the victim needs be said. Likewise, every person has the right to speak for himself or act as he pleases (Witherspoon, 1973). Ever since the introduction of sheep by the Spanish in the early 16th century, the Navajo have been pastoralists. Almost everyone in the residential group owns some sheep, and therefore has an interest in the herd. “The sheep herd is an important symbol of social integration within the residence group. The sheep herd is a cooperative enterprise of the individual owners” (Whitherspoon, 1973). Around five years of age children are given lambs to begin their cooperative venture with the herd of the residence group. The children learn through their sheep the meaning, necessity, and nature of the communal life of the group. “The identity, welfare, and status of the residence group is closely linked to the size and well-being of the sheep herd. Community members judge the character and qualities of those within the residence group on the basis of the size and appearance of the sheep herd” (Whitherspoon, 1973)
When a man marries, sheep are an important aspect of his integration into the residency group of his spouse. At the beginning of his marriage, he might not bring any of his sheep from his natal group with him. He allows time to pass as the marriage solidifies and becomes more stable. He then gradually will bring some of his stock in from his natal group. This decidedly occurs as children are born of the new marriage. It is not uncommon for ten or twenty years to pass before the husband brings all of his sheep into the herd of his wife (Witherspoon, 1973). As was modeled by the ritual preformed when Changing Woman reached puberty, every Navajo girl goes through a rite of passage when she reaches mense. This rite is the Kinaaldá and it is a celebration of her entry into womanhood and firmly establishes her into family life and Navajo society. As stated by Navajo educator Roessel, “In Navajo society the girl’s first period is not a time of shame and anxiety, but, rather, a time of happiness and rejoicing”(as cited in Markstrom and Iborra, 2003). “During their Kinaaldá ceremonies, girls are molded and shaped into the image of Changing Woman who embodies the ideals of Navajo womanhood. Indeed, it is believed that, at some level, initiates are transformed into Changing Woman” (Markstrom and Iborra, 2003).
Changing Woman is the ultimate mother, associated with the earth, representative of the universal life cycle and is always good, giving, and nurturing. The ceremony is normally 4 days in length and is characterized by singing, running, hair washing, face painting, redressing, body manipulations, the grinding of corn, and the baking of corn cakes. “The cake is reflective of a solar image and is baked in the ground (womb of the earth) as an offering to the sun…the corn cake is the dominate symbol of this rite of passage and it summarizes the most important aspects of the ceremony, namely, physical fitness, endurance, education, reciprocity, and the maximizing of potential positive effects” (Markstrom and Iborra, 2003). The new status of the initiate as Changing Woman is born out in the community by her perceived ability to bless participants in the ritual (Markstrom and Iborra, 2003).
“The Navajo world view is naturally dynamic and holistic. Everything evolves from a cultural and spiritual way of life, which is rooted in turn in recursive cosmic processes. The paradigm is thus directly connected to the natural cosmic order. The cosmic processes are intrinsically interconnected through systemic movement and relationship” (Begay and Maryboy, 2000). Life and order permeated everything in the Navajo world. Complementarily delineates and informs all aspects of the Navajo world including human relationships and the human body. As the Navajo elder Walter explains, “Everything is in terms of male and female in the Navajo. This is duality. There is a male part and then there is a female counterpart in everything, you know, even us. I am a man, but my left side is my male side, my right side is my female” (as cited in Schwarz, 1997). This complementariness plays out in the whole of nature, in plants, trees, mountains, valleys, rain, rivers, and stones.
The Navajo hold to a principle of synecdoche, wherein a part of something is made to represent the whole. The whole may be affected by something done to the part. This has a constant bearing upon the life of the Navajo for it has direct bearing upon nail clippings, cut hair, skin cells, and bodily excretions (Schwarz, 1997). “As a result of lifelong connection between weavers and the parts of their bodies and their thoughts contained in the designs of the textile, they frequently need ceremonies to rectify problems that develop after their weavings have been sold (Schwarz, 1997). This interconnectedness does not always lead to ill effects. The principal may be purposefully intended. This is seen in the weaving of the sinew from a former strong horse woven into a saddle blanket to impart strength any other mount. It may also be observed when a weaver is called upon to make a woven dress for a relative to wear in her Kinaaldá. She “is confident that her hair, saliva, and skin oil that are incorporated into the garment in the process of manufacture will transfer the weaver’s best qualities – industriousness, good health, ambition, and knowledge of traditional ways – to the wearer (Schwarz, 1997).
The Navajo strive to live in harmony with the cosmos. When disharmony occurs, illness follows. “Traditional Navajo religion has roots extending deep into Navajo history and consists of specific diagnostic and curative practices governed by gifted or trained specialists” (Lewton and Bydone, 2000). There exists a Navajo synthetic principle called sá’ah naagháí bik’eh hózhó (SNBH). This principle specifies that the conditions for health and well-being are harmony within and connection to the physical/spiritual world (the Navajo do not recognize a separation between the two). Individual’s relationships with and within a meaningful environment – to other people, to cultural traditions, to spiritual beings – are integral to their self-orientations and thus to their identities as Navajos. The disruption and restoration of these relationships are an important facet of Navajo illness and healing (Lewton and Bydone, 2000). “According to the principle of SNBH One should have compassion and respect for people and things in nature and think and behave towards these things in the concept of kinship” (Lewton and Bydone, 2000).
There are dozens of rituals and healing practices from hour-long song-prayers to the nine-day long Nightway ceremony. The rituals usually include singing, taking herbal preparations, sandpainting, and bathing. The rituals bear names such as Evilway to diffuse negative energies associated with extending yourself beyond your capabilities; Whirlwindway to restore balance after encountering a great wind; Lighningway to rectify the effects of being exposed to lightening or loud claps of thunder (Begay and Maryboy, 2000). Other aspects of the use of traditional rituals involve restoring the individual’s connection with the past, the history, and origins of the Navajo. Of paramount importance to the well-being of the individual is an acquaintance, understanding, and connection to the Navajo creation story. Again retuning to the importance of story and myth for well-being of the Navajo. “Traditional Navajo religion thus reconnects individuals to their home within the four sacred mountains, to their history as Navajos, to their families, and to the traditional way of life” (Lewton and Bydone, 2000).
In the foregoing the Navajo social organization, kinship system, beliefs, and healing practices been briefly examined to gain a better insight into their unique culture. It is clearly seen that the life of the Navajo is one striving to maintain balance and harmony that is achieved through integration of their myths within their lives. To live harmoniously with Mother.

References

Begay, D.H. and Maryboy, N.C. (2000). The Whole Universe is My Cathedral: A Contemporary Navajo Spiritual Synthesis. Medical Anthropology Quarterly. New Series 14(4) 498-520. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/649718.
Frey, Rodney. (n.d.). The Diné (Navajo) Creation Account. Retrived from http://www.webpages.uidaho.edu/~rfrey/pdf/329/329dine%20creation%20account.pdf
Lewton, E.L. and Bydone, V. (2000). Identity and Healting in Three Navajo Religious Traditions: Sa’ah Naagháí Bik’eh Hózhó. Medical Anthropology Quarterly. New Series 14(4) 498-520. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/649717.
Markstrom, C. A., & Iborra, A. (2003). Adolescent Identity Formation and Rites of Passage: The Navajo Kinaaldá Ceremony for Girls. Journal Of Research On Adolescence (Blackwell Publishing Limited), 13(4), 399. doi:10.1046/j.1532-7795.2003.01304001.x
Schwartz, M. T. (1997). Snakes in the Ladies Room: Navahjo Views on Personhood and Effect. American Ethnologist. 24(3), 602-627. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/647085.
Witherspoon, G. (1970). A New Look at Navajo Social Organization. American Anthropologist. New Series 72(1) 55-65. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/670754.
Witherspoon, G. (1973). Sheep in Navajo Culture and Social Organization. American Anthropologist. New Series 75(5) 1441-1447. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/674041.