...In the book War and Change in World Politics, Robert Gilpin presents a rationalist and realistic argument for international relations. The argument is that an international system is created because actors create social, political and economical structures to advance their interests. The structure reflects the interests of those who are most dominant in the system. The structure will inevitably change due to many reasons that are provided throughout the book. Robert Gilpin succeeds in providing support for his main argument by applying his theories to many examples in history. His reasoning in supporting his argument were clear, concise and easy to follow, which made the book a pleasurable read. The book starts out by providing four assumptions, which divides the book into 4 sections. In each section Gilpin provides examples that are heavily rational and applicable. This division made the book easy to follow and helped readers to understand how each assumption supported the argument. Each assumption was used to support the main argument of the book. The first assumption that was used is “An international system is stable if no state believes it profitable to attempt to change the system.” (Gilpin, page 11). Gilpins approach to support this assumption is of a realist approach. Gilpin starts out by supporting his argument through deductive reasoning. These reasons are carried out in an informative manner that can be easily supported by historical events and examples. As he...
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...Final Year, History and Politics Essay Topic: “Critically Evaluate Post War Realist Explanation of International Politics with Particular Reference to Power” Introduction The tradition of political realism – realpolitik, power politics – has a long history that is typically traced back to the great Greek historian Thucydides in the fifth century BC. Although dominant attitudes towards realism have varied, realist arguments and orientations have been central to the Western theory and practice of international relations. “In particular, “modern” international society, whether dated from the era of Machiavelli at the turn of the sixteenth century or that of Hobbes in the mid-seventeenth century, has been closely linked to realist balance of power politics. The link between realism and international theory is especially strong in the twentieth century. International relations first emerged as an academic discipline before and immediately after World War I, largely in reaction against realist balance of power politics. The discipline was then reshaped immediately before and after World War II by self-identified realists such as E. H. Carr and Hans Morgenthau. Prominent scholar-practitioners, such as George Kennan and Henry Kissinger, have called themselves realists. For most of the post-World War II era realism has been the dominant paradigm in the Anglo-American study of international relations”[1]. Even in our post-Cold War era of globalization,...
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...Josephus J. Ellie Final Year, History and Politics Essay Topic: “Critically Evaluate Post War Realist Explanation of International Politics with Particular Reference to Power” Introduction The tradition of political realism – realpolitik, power politics – has a long history that is typically traced back to the great Greek historian Thucydides in the fifth century BC. Although dominant attitudes towards realism have varied, realist arguments and orientations have been central to the Western theory and practice of international relations. “In particular, “modern” international society, whether dated from the era of Machiavelli at the turn of the sixteenth century or that of Hobbes in the mid-seventeenth century, has been closely linked to realist balance of power politics. The link between realism and international theory is especially strong in the twentieth century. International relations first emerged as an academic discipline before and immediately after World War I, largely in reaction against realist balance of power politics. The discipline was then reshaped immediately before and after World War II by self-identified realists such as E. H. Carr and Hans Morgenthau. Prominent scholar-practitioners, such as George Kennan and Henry Kissinger, have called themselves realists. For most of the post-World War II era realism has been the dominant paradigm in the Anglo-American study of international relations”. Even in our post-Cold War era of globalization, realist theories...
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...Russo-Japanese war undoubtedly had a large significance and effect on Russian government and politics in the early 20th century. A report by Stalin on the war in 1905 states that the “Unbearable conditions” of the war are causing “unrest and discontent among the troops” - further suggesting that the soldiers blamed their superiors, and therefore the government for their treatment during the war through the soldiers “no longer blindly obeying the orders of their superiors”. Through this, it could be suggested that the soldiers were becoming dissatisfied with a regime that they saw did not help them at all (as shown through the poor organization of the war effort - lack of food, proper medical care, decent housing and clothing). Morison agrees with this view, further suggesting that the regime was “branded as incompetent and unworthy” because of how badly the war was going. This in itself would suggest war had a major significance on Russian government as the people were beginning to become unsatisfied with the current regime through its attitude towards the war, and thus would be more likely at this point to push for a new regime that they believed would be more suitable for the Russian people. Furthermore, military defeats at Port Arthur highlighted the weaknesses of the army to the common people, and when Russia was apparently losing the war the people held the government accountable for the massive defeat. This suggestion is supported by Hughes, in that he argues that the war “frustrated...
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...To what extent was there a ‘post war consensus’ in British politics from 1951 to 1964? (900 Words) Whether or not there truly was a ‘post war consensus’ in British politics from 1951 to 1964 is a highly debatable topic of which historians can often appear to be in two minds about; on one hand, Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson infamously described the period as ‘Thirteen years wasted’, whereas historian Robert Blake (a supporter of the Conservatives’, regards it as a ‘Golden age of growth’. The likes of Kevin Jeffrey’s even argue that consensus had even started before the war. Overall, the central issue was the idea of a mixed economy. If we were to argue that there was indeed a post war consensus in British politics from 1951 to 1964, it would be easy to turn straight away to the legacy of the feats in Clement Atlee’s government policies from July 1945 to October 1951. Atlee’s policies were for the most part successful, leaving him with a reputation of having led a government which actually attained its goals. Perhaps the most prominent part of Atlee’s legacy was the establishment of The National Health Service and The Welfare State, establishments which arguably meant that, despite the long run of Conservative dominance in the years following Atlee’s departure, both society and politics would remain in the Labour mould; Conservative party members proved far less hostile to the concept of a Welfare State due to its popular success, and they were well aware that to revoke...
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...Latin American Politics and DevelopmentThe Cold War, the Cuban Revolution, the spread of guerilla warfare and the doctrine of National Security in Latin America | During World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union fought together as allies against the Axis powers. However, the relationship between the two nations was a tense one. Americans had long been wary of Soviet communism and concerned about Russian leader Joseph Stalin’s tyrannical rule of his own country. For their part, the Soviets resented the Americans’ decades-long refusal to treat the USSR as a legitimate part of the international community as well as their delayed entry into World War II, which resulted in the deaths of tens of millions of Russians. After the war ended, these grievances ripened into an overwhelming sense of mutual distrust and enmity. Post-war Soviet expansionism in Eastern Europe fuelled many Americans’ fears of a Russian plan to control the world. Meanwhile, the USSR came to resent what they perceived as American officials’ rhetoric, arms build-up and interventionist approach to international relations. By the time World War II ended, most American officials agreed that the best defence against the Soviet threat was a strategy called “containment.” In 1946, in his famous “Long Telegram,” the diplomat George Kennan explained this policy, The Soviet Union, he wrote, was “a political force committed fanatically to the belief that with the U.S. there can be no permanent modus vivendi...
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...It is important to study Thucydides because Thucydides can help us to understand the way politics work in the world today.This should come later – it is not an introduction to a whole paper – always assume your reader is not familiar with your topic In his book titled, The History of the Peloponnesian War, Thucydides brings to light, some of the causes of the war, as well as some of the consequences of the war. (This is a good opening sentence. It introduces the reader to the topic) Thucydides analyzed the Peloponnesian War on a deeper level (what do you mean?) to help us understand why and how things occur in the world. The world has a better understanding of war and politics in general because of Thucydides. Thucydides’ account of The History of the Peloponnesian War has taught us many things about how politics work in the modern world. (These last three sentences are a little repetitive and do not give a lot of information) One thing that Thucydides’ work on the Peloponnesian War has taught us is that states are only concerned with their own interests, and how their interests can benefit them (repetitive). Good! This is demonstrated in the conflict between Melos and Athens. Good! The Melians wanted to avoid conflict with Athens by trying to persuade them that the Athenians should not attack them because they were neutral and not allies to either side (Thucydides Book VI, p. 2). The Athenians did not comply with the Melians plea to maintain their territory. Instead,...
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...1 The Foundations of International Society 2013-2014 Part I: Politics 2 (International Relations I) Paper organiser: Professor Christopher Hill (POLIS): Room 105, Alison Richard Building Email: cjh68@cam.ac.uk Lecturers: Professor Hill (CH), Dr Elisabetta Brighi (EB), Dr Aaron Rapport (AR) and Dr Stefano Recchia (SR). Aims and Objectives The course aims to introduce students to the subject of International Relations (IR), whose main focus is the nature of politics at the international level. Students will acquire the empirical and conceptual foundations needed to understand a world political system which cannot be accurately described as either pure anarchy or a coherent form of ‘global governance’. The starting point is the notion of ‘international society’, which refers to the set of institutions and common procedures generated by states over the last three and a half centuries in their attempts to achieve some minimal form of co-existence, but which has gradually evolved to include many non-state actors and different levels of activity – diplomatic, economic and cultural, as well as that of military competition. By the end of the course you should be able to have an informed discussion about: the historical origins of the present system; what is distinctive about international politics as opposed to politics inside the state; and the main challenges which confront humanity in the twenty-first century. You will also acquire a basic familiarity with the main theories needed...
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...Tej Amin Daniel Nichanian Antipolitics 16 February 2015 Carl Schmitt, the Political and War Discuss this passage by writing a paper on Carl Schmitt. In particular, consider the relationship between the political and war, taking into account Schmitt’s point that the former cannot just be equated with the latter. Controversial, obscure, ambiguities Carl Schmitt in The Concept of the Political seeks to defend politics from those who seek to abolish politics, namely liberalists. Schmitt argues that “A world in which the possibility of war is utterly eliminated, a completely pacified globe, would be a world without the distinction of friend and enemy and hence a world without politics.” (Schmitt 35). According to Schmitt, the distinction between...
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...on realism. While there are numerous denominations to the realist theory, there are no. of essential core elements which all Realists subscribe to. Prescribing to Hobbes view, all realists be it classical or neo-realist believe that international system is a state of nature where individual exist in an ungoverned environment, “without a common power to keep them all in awe”. Hobbes equates state of nature as state of war, which pits “every man, against every man”. To escape this intolerable condition, individuals agree to enter a civil society and install a sovereign power. Therefore, Realist theory operates in the assumption that domestically; the problem of order and security is solved because there is a central authority to look after the security needs of the individuals. However, international system, remains anarchic wherein each sovereign state acts independently, free from interference from or dependence upon other states. In a state of anarchy, states are responsible for their own security needs and nothing can impede the normal recurrence of war....
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...Politics 223 2014 International Relations International event 24316563 E.S Zulu 13.07.2014 Introduction International relation is a fast moving subject of study; it came too recognised as academic discipline. Despite adjective international, the field is concerned with much more than relations between or amongst state. Other actors such as international organisation, Multination Corporation, and terrorist groups are now all of what could more correctively be termed world politics. Different perspectives on the international relations naturally generate debates. In 1930’s realist and idealist argued over the nature of the international politics and the possibility of the peaceful change and the Marxist critics (Paul and Mark, 1987:1-3). International Relations According to Johari (2009:1-39) the international relations are the study of the political and social interaction of state, non-state and individuals. In the recent years the increasing interaction among these actors, coupled with advances in informational technology and the spread of human rights, have raised many new questions for international relations scholars, practitioners, and students. International relations as a discipline is chiefly concerned with what state do on the world stage and in turn, how their actions affect other states, correspondingly states are a common unit of analysis in theories of international relation, many analysis focus on states and their interactions to explain observed patterns...
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...the culture war is a myth and not a reality. Although the majority of people pick a side of liberal or conservative, it does not mean they agree with everything with their side. They tend to be more moderate in a lot of situations and do not really have a clear side. In Tuesdays lecture on September 23rd, Professor Dietrich showed us a graph on opinion data. This graph showed what people’s opinions shows and placed them in extremely conservative, conservative, slightly conservative, and vice versa for liberal. Moderate was in the middle of liberal and conservative. The moderate section had by far the most in terms of people’s opinions. This shows that many people are in between liberal and conservative in terms of their politics. Also, on page 160 in Biano and Canon, they stated, “when polls are designed to tap consensus, they reveal that on wide range of policy questions, most Americans hold opinions that are squarely in the middle of the political spectrum”. This shows that there is little evidence of a culture war in American politics. They go on and say that although it seems everyone disagrees in politics, it is not always true. Even when there are disagreements in politics, acceptable compromises are normally figured out. In an article I read from the American Psychological Association, Bridget Murray Law discusses the culture war. She agrees with Fiorina’s views that the culture war is a myth and most Americans are moderate or in the center of politics. She states...
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...more influential towards shaping America’s politics than domestic affairs. . First off, the foreign affairs that affected American politics during 1790 through 1816 was majorly from the European nations. The first major foreign event in the 1790s was the Proclamation of Neutrality. France was at war with Britain, so France requested United States to help them. As a result, a cabinet meeting was set up where Thomas Jefferson went against Alexander...
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...How far did World War One cause the collapse of the liberal state? The liberal state in Italy during the period in the build up to World War One was one of instability an speculation led by Giovanni Giolitti by the rules of trasformismo politics. While Giolitti is seen as successful in some senses, he failed to unite Italy in a way in which other continental countries were, and could not prevent resentment between different groups and classes causing chaotic riots and civil unrest in 1914, the same year that would see him come to pass on power to Antonio Salandra. Only a year later would Italy enter the First World War under Salandra against Giolitti’s will of neutrality. World War one itself perhaps exposed some of the weaknesses in the current political system of which liberal Italy was functioning on. The fact that there was division of opinion on whether Italy should enter the war highlights the unstable and indecisive nature of this system in Italy at this time. Italy’s influence and helpfulness to the allies in the fighting aspect of the war was very minimal, the army seemed relatively weak willed and lacked morale eventually leading to situations such as Caporetto in 1917 when an astonishing 300,000 Italian soldiers surrendered to become POW’s leaving Italy depleted in infantry, while also losing 150km of land. Overall in the war around 600,000 Italian troops were killed, a staggering amount considering Italy’s limited role in the war and perhaps pointed to a poor...
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...We are living in a time where the sketched epistemes of political rationality for which ‘life’ is the organizing object of politics (i.e., biopolitics) is being challenged. During the 1970s and beginning of 1980s theorists such as Foucault argued that the sovereign right to kill was increasingly displaced by the administrative compulsion to make live. That is, instead of ending violence or killing especially in the context of Europe and North America lethal conflict was redistributed through out the population turning politics into war by other means such as the withdrawal of the state from the household (i.e., oikos) and national life and hence with a more focus on biopolitics. In the Global South though theorists like Mbembe challenge Foucauldian biopolitics to argue that outside Europe and North America this governing of life (zoe) took a different form: necropolitics resulting from the histories of power relations such as slavery and colonization. Yet, theorists in the Global North such as Foucault insisted that the 1970s the life of power mutated increasing the neoliberal turn in government leaving our times and more concretely “the future as yet unthought.” This class begins with Foucault’s concept of biopolitics and Mbembe’s idea of necropolitics and asks: what are the stakes in thinking and practicing power today through the locus of biopolitics and/or necropolitics? What are the stakes in reading these tensions with respect to yesterday—and to tomorrow for the art...
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