...Tom Chapman A2 Political Theory DATE \@ "d MMMM y" 20 September 2015 A Fear of Democracy Runs Through Liberalism A2 Political Theory A fear of Democracy runs through Liberalism. Do Liberal individuals fear the hand of the state and the will of the people? Are Liberals fearful of what the ruling majority may impose on them or are they perfectly happy bending the knee to the authority of the state and the decisions of the masses, if only to preserve their own civil liberties and rights? To assess if this is the case or not we must first understand a rather complicated question; what is Liberalism? Liberalism can be traced back to the decline of Feudalism in the 18th Century and the revolutions of both France (1789) and the USA (1765) where we saw two states try to shake off the ruling class and enter a new era of enlightenment where there was, generally, consensus ruling. Liberalism then comes to the fore front of Political thinking around the period of the Industrial Revolution in Britain and Europe in the 19th Century which led to many people rising through the ranks and creating a form of social mobility linked with Liberal ideas of self rule and governance. It’s this Industrial Revolution period where we see Liberalism take it’s first form - what we now call classical Liberalism. Classical Liberals believe in the idea of negative freedoms where by each person is able to both thrive and fail in society, this goes hand in hand with the idea of maintaining state intervention...
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...‘A fear of democracy runs throughout liberalism.’ Discuss. Democracy means rule by the people, implying both popular participation and government in the public interest. Liberals have been ambivalent about the benefits of democracy. Very few liberals reject democracy, on the other hand no liberals accept democracy uncritically. Liberals do not believe that a balanced and tolerant society will develop naturally out of the free actions of individuals and voluntary associations. They fear the free individual may exploit others. Therefore; liberals believed that such protection can only be provided by a sovereign state, capable of restraining all individuals and groups within society, freedom can therefore only exist ‘under the law’. Hobbes and Locke both recognised the argument for a social contract agreement between individuals through which they form a state in order to escape ‘state of nature’ without this contract life would be ‘nasty, brutish and short’. Hobbes and Locke developed people coming together in a free compact/agreement to set up power over them a real contract constantly confirmed. Locke through a more continuous process people to express their opinion more regularly through elections, referendums and public opinion. All individuals would recognize that it is in their best interests to sacrifice a portion of their liberty in order to set up a system of law; otherwise their rights and indeed their lives would constantly be under threat. The state is created...
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...Has liberalism betrayed its classical principles? Liberalism is a powerful modern thrust which is not just an ideology, but has become more of a western understanding. Liberalism emerged during the 19th century, following the French revolution i.e. the feudal period. The philosophy had set out principles in relation to the individual such as freedom, reason, justice, toleration and liberal democracy. A century later, there was the establishment of modern liberals. Modern liberalist ideas are similar to those of the classical liberals but, in some cases differ quite vigorously. It has been argued that modern liberals have betrayed the core, classical principles of liberalism. Classical liberals believe that the individual is largely self seeking and self reliant. These liberals believe in an atomistic society, which is the idea that society itself doesn’t exist and that individuals are out to satisfy their own personal needs. C.B. Macpherson described early liberalism as ‘possessive individualism’ where one owes nothing to society. Modern liberals on the other hand have a more optimistic view of human nature. They state that an individual must have social responsibility for one another, especially those who are unable to care for themselves. Modern liberals trust that there should be a unity amongst individuals to create an effective society where one is able to flourish to the fullness of their potential. They are in favour of social support rather than the classical belief...
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...Heidi Ausgood Peace and Conflict Studies March 7, 2013 The Probabilities of an Aggressive U.S. Peace Building Policy In February 2007 then U.S. Congressman Dennis Kucinich a Ohio Democrat in the 110th Congress proposed legislation calling for the establishment of a Department of Peace and Non-Violence. The legislation covered a myriad of topics relating to peace and non-violence, but for the purpose of this essay only the area of international relations will be examined. “We are in a new millennium, and the time has come to review the age-old challenges with new thinking wherein we can conceive pf peace as not simply the absence of violence, but the active presence of the capacity for a higher evolution of the human awareness, of respect, trust, and integrity; wherein we all may tap the infinite capabilities of humanity to transform consciousness and conditions which impel or compel violence at a personal, group, or national level toward developing a new understanding of, and a commitment to, compassion and love, in order to create a “shining city on a hill”, a light of which is the light of nations”.[1] The Department of Peace and Nonviolence would consist of a Secretary who would be appointed by the President with the consent of the Senate. The department would be staffed by six Assistant Secretaries and one General Counsel who would also be appointed by the president with the consent of the Senate. For the purpose of this essay three roles will be examined; that...
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... | | |Unit A2 1: Option 1, Anglo–Spanish Relations 1509–1609 |5 | |Unit A2 1: Option 2, Crown and Parliament in England 1600–1702 The Changing Role and |17 | |Status of Parliament | | | |37 | |Unit A2 1: Option 3, Liberalism and Nationalism 1815–1914 | | |Unit A2 1: Option 4, Nationalism and Unionism in Ireland 1800–1900 |51 | |Unit A2 1: Option 5, The Clash of Ideologies in Europe 1900–2000 |67 | Introduction CCEA has developed new GCE specifications for first teaching from September 2008. This scheme of work has been designed to support you in introducing the new specification and was produced by practicing teachers who will be teaching the specification. This A2 Scheme of work provides suggestions for organising...
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...Anonymous and Occupy, the historical leaking of classified surveillance information by computer professional Edward Snowden and, most recently, the utilisation of the internet as tool for the work of Islamic Extremists. It is obvious that the internet, if left unregulated, can become a very dangerous place for its users, and it is this fear that has prompted UK government, and primarily Home Secretary Theresa May, to begin a battle for more state control over the internet. For some, the idea of British state-control to promote the safety of individuals is undeniably correct, we are a nation that can pride ourselves on promoting the safety and contentment of our citizens; from Lloyd-George’s development of the welfare state to the quick and direct tackling of gun-laws after the tragic events of the Dunblane massacre. However, as for-mentioned, the uniqueness of the internet, as a contemporary world-wide tool for both positive and negative social organisation, has made the case for state-control a much more complex debate. The argument for the restriction of state control of the internet is consistently cogent. The ideological concepts of Classical Liberalism do clearly support this argument, such...
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...Democracy Democracy is a word frequently used in British Politics. We are constantly told that we live in a democracy in Britain and that our political system is "democratic" and that nations that do not match these standards are classed as "undemocratic". The concept of "democracy" is contestable. It is understood by many people to mean a form of government in which a significant portion of the governed society has a franchise to elect members of the governing body. Other observers would argue that a "true" democracy is a system of government that embraces a universal adult franchise. While flaws exist in all democratic systems of government, most advocates accept Churchill's dictum that contemporary democracy as we know it is the least bad of all systems of government. What is democracy? The popular understanding of the term "democracy" is that there are three basic forms: direct, representative and constitutional. Direct democracy is a form of government in which the right to participate in making political decisions is exercised directly by all citizens, acting under procedures of majority rule. In large states, direct or participative democracy is not possible. Representative democracy is a form of government in which the citizens exercise the same right of participation in making political decisions, not in person but through elected representatives. However, different representative political structures can produce substantially different outcomes. There is no simple...
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...common goods without violating individual liberty; as Machiavelli would argue: the theme that obtaining the goodwill of the populace is the best way to maintain power. Goodwill is the crucial term to understand Machiavelli definition of a great ruler. Machiavelli introduction of The Prince is about the way Lorenzo should govern with absolute power, as military power is dominant. He proposed the advantage and disadvantage to attend various routes to power. The most important theme in his book is how a Prince should avoid hatred from his populace. This can directly relate to contemporary society. As Machiavelli suggested, it is not necessary for a Prince to be love, but hatred is the downfall of a ruler. His realist’s argument point out that fears is the best alternative to sustain power; however, in modern society context, it doesn’t work anymore. How is his argument related to today context? The latest issue regarding goodwill is Obamacare or the Affordable Health Care Act. Millions of American will have insurance who did not have it before, including many among the sick and the poor. To date, insurers have been able to charge extraordinary rate, or deny them coverage. The law starts at the beginning of 2014, where everyone is require to buy insurance or pay penalty. For those who cannot afford...
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...into consideration the Vietcong. The Vietcong were strong and ruthless and could survive the harsh conditions on Vietnam unlike the American military that didn’t fully know the Vietnam grounds. From the historian’s point of view, once Kennedy noticed that the Vietcong could destroy his attempts of increased credibility, there was the introduction of weapons such as chemical warfare (nuclear war) to stop the Vietcong. It can be strongly argued that the “total war aimed at the destruction of the Vietcong”. However, the chemical warfare didn’t frighten the Vietcong as “by early 1961, Vietcong guerrillas were gradually bleeding south Vietnam to death, destroying its will to resist, eroding its faith in the future, and paralyzing its progress through...
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...Doctrines Agenda 1. Introduction 2.1. J.B.Say in the french Classical Liberalism school of thought 2.2. Mainstream of the Classical Liberalism school of economics 2.3. Specifics of J.B.Say 2.4. Differences regarding the opposition of Classical Liberalism 2. Description of J.B.Say 3. New approach brought by J.B.Say 4. Opinion 5. Summary 1. Introduction 1.1. J.B.Say in the french Classical Liberalism school of thought Jean Baptiste Say was a French economist and businessman. He had classical liberal views and argued in favor of competition, free trade and lifting restraints on business. He is best known due to Say's Law , which is named after him and at times credited to him, but while he discussed and popularized it, he did not originate it. 1.2. Mainstream of the Classical Liberalism school of economics Classical liberalism is a political philosophy and ideology belonging to liberalism in which primary emphasis is placed on securing the freedom of the individual by limiting the power of the government. The philosophy emerged as a response to the Industrial Revolution and urbanization in the 19th century in Europe and the United States. It advocates civil liberties with a limited government under the rule of law, private property and belief in the laissez-faire economic policy. Classical liberalism is built on ideas that had already arisen by the end of the 18th century, such...
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...Democratic peace theory, in its wider interpretation, is the empirical observation that democracies rarely, if ever, fight one another and it is this empirical dyadic observation that that has been described as the “closest thing we have to empirical law” in international relations. [1] Although what is meant by democratic peace is contested, and indeed as its validity as this essay will explore, the theory has been previously under Woodrow Wilson and more currently the Presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, a significant conceptual factor in the formation of American foreign policy.[2] Our aim is a democratic peace, a peace founded upon the dignity and rights of every man and woman. America acts in this course with friends and allies at our sides, yet we understand our special calling: this great republic will lead the cause of freedom. In light of this statement, ongoing U.S. policy and its likely persistence an examination and understanding of the democracy peace proposition is clearly with merit. This essay will look at the democratic peace proposition at a several levels of analysis: at the monadic level of interstate war on whether democracies generally are more peaceful and whether transitional democracies are more inclined to war; and at the intrastate level as to whether democracies experience more or less civil war. It will examine the validity of the proposition(s), reasons for is occurrence and postulate on what implication there may be for...
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...CONSERVATISM Key concepts 1) Hierarchy and organic society * The term ‘organic society’ refers to a belief, which became entrenched in traditional conservative thought in the latter part of the 19th century. * It was a reaction against the rise of liberal individualism. * It proposes that society is more than merely a collection of individuals, but it is a single entity. * We are connected to each other through our humanity and common membership of community. * Organic society is seen as a reality, which is superior to our own, individual interests. * The ideal organic society – where goals and aspirations of individuals coincide with the goals of the whole society. 1980s – Margaret Thatcher famously challenged this remarking that there “is no such thing as society”, implying that the goals of individuals are superior to those of society as a whole. * Traditional conservatives believe that there is a ‘natural’ order into which each individual fits. * It is normal and natural that society should be divided by a number of strata. * The very rigid feudal system had long since disappeared, but there remained a belief that some kind of class system was inevitable. * Hierarchy like this supports organic society in that it creates an order and stability, which the individualistic society lacks. * Different parts of the hierarchy have different roles that complement each other. * This implies inequality, but an ordered inequality, and one in which...
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...theoretical foundation: 1) the international system is anarchic (no world government) 2) all states posses some offensive capability and are thus capable of using force against other states 3) no state can be certain another state will not use force against it 4) survival, territorial integrity, and domestic autonomy are the primal goals of all states and 5) great powers are rational actors (Mearsheimer 2001, pp. 30-31). It is difficult to definitively discern what conclusions Mearsheimer thinks follow from these premises (Wagner 2007, pg. 14). He argues for perhaps three conclusions: 1) great powers have powerful incentives to “think and act offensively with regard to each other…In particular, three general patterns of behavior result: fear, self-help, and power maximization (Mearsheimer 2001, pg.32)” 2) even states that want only to survive end up pursuing hegemony as the ultimate insurance for survival 3) even states that care only about their survival may end up in war. These conclusions constitute what Mearsheimer calls the tragedy of international politics (Mearsheimer 2001, pp. 1-3). This tragedy is embodied in what Mearsheimer describes as the “security dilemma.” The security dilemma stipulates that “the measures a state takes to increase its own security usually decreases the security of other states. Thus, it is difficult for a state to...
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...the Institute of Policy Studies. Copy editor: Belinda Hill Cover design: Milne Printers Ltd Printed by Milne Printers Ltd Contents List of Tables iv List of Figures iv List of Boxes iv Foreword v Acknowledgments and Disclaimer ix Part One: Introduction and Context of Inquiry 1 Introduction 2 New Zealand Context 3 21 Part Two: Communitarian Responses to Liberalism Introduction to Part Two 61 3 Civic Republicanism: Michael Sandel 63 4 The Politics of Recognition: Charles Taylor 83 Part Three: Multiculturalism Introduction to Part Three 105 5 Multicultural Citizenship: Will Kymlicka 107 6 Common Citizenship in a Multicultural Society: Bhikhu Parekh 151 Part Four: Critical Responses to Multiculturalism Introduction to Part Four 187 7 A Politics of Difference: Iris Marion Young 189 8 Against White Paranoid Nationalism: Ghassan Hage 223 9 Egalitarian Liberalism: Brian Barry 243 Part Five: Concluding Reflections 10 Diversity, Democracy, Justice 271 Afterword 306 References 307 Index of Names 335 iii Tables 1 Levy’s typology...
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...The London School of Economics and Political Science THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE DEMOCRATISATION OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE INSTITUTIONS: From ‘Soft Power’ to Collective Decision-Making? Saif Al-Islam Alqadhafi A thesis submitted to the Department of Philosophy of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2007 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. 2 Abstract This dissertation analyses the problem of how to create more just and democratic global governing institutions, exploring the approach of a more formal system of collective decision-making by the three main actors in global society: governments, civil society and the business sector. The thesis seeks to make a contribution by presenting for discussion an addition to the system of international governance that is morally...
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