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Aboriginal Representation In Canada

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Historically, Canada’s aboriginal populations have been poorly represented within the Canadian political system (Dhillon, 2005; Paul, 2005). Over several decades, many initiatives to help increase representation have been presented. These proposals continue to fail at the hands of either the members of parliament or the Canadian people. Firstly, this paper will explore a sample of past initiatives aimed at enlarging aboriginal populations’ presence namely, First Nations peoples, within the Canadian political system. Secondly, an explanations for why, despite a push for equality, these populations continue to be underrepresented will be provided. Lastly, this paper will look to the future and identify the benefits of equal aboriginal representation …show more content…
Its sole purpose would be to “provide advice on anything that affects Aboriginal interests, directly or indirectly”, thus creating a House of First Peoples (Schmidt, 2003).

3. First Peoples

Scholars have also suggested the creation of a new province designed to increase Aboriginal representation outside of self-government. The new province of “First Peoples” would be “a non-contiguous landmass, initially composed of all Indian reserves south of the 60th parallel”, thus not including the territories, due to adequate Aboriginal representation (Schmidt, 2003). The province would be granted equal political and electoral powers, thus creating a third order of government (Schmidt, 2003; Valberg, 2012).

Schmidt (2003) deduces that of the three options, AEDs or a separate Aboriginal parliament would be most beneficial for First Nations communities, however, neither would have the power to completely eliminate the problem. This lack of absolute change is what has led to the failure of these initiatives, resulting in continued …show more content…
This power would be necessary for initiating legislation, and voting on critical matters regarding aboriginal peoples lives.Two major challenges arose from the RCAPs recommendation, primarily “from the fact that it would […] be an advisory body” (Schmidt, 2003). An advisory board’s only power is in making recommendations to the government, this becomes problematic since governments are not required to follow such recommendations, thus rendering the advisory board useless. For the House of First Peoples to truly make a difference, a “significant constitutional amendment” would be required, which would entail extensive negotiations between provinces, therefore ultimately making this initiative improbable (Schmidt, 2003; Valberg, 2012).

First Peoples critique

Lastly, Schmidt (2003) determines that “the most substantial obstacle […] is the Constitution, which would have to be amended to allow for the creation of [AEDs, a House of First Peoples and a] new province”. Valberg (2012) affirms that, “constitutional amendments require the approval of 2/3 of the provinces, constituting at least 50% of the Canadian population”. Canadian provinces would be unlikely to agree to these terms since “reserves function as part of the provinces”, thus creating geographic ‘holes’ within provinces (Schmidt, 2003).

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