...itself to Pearl Harbor and the Pacific War”. In the perspective of the Vietnam War the aspects of Asian nationalism, the heritage of colonialism, communist ideology & national movement emerged. America’s role in Asia should be reassessed, and a better understanding of Asian racism and nationalism is needed. In this perspective Pearl Harbor will be seen as a by-product of Asian nationalism and as a conflict between an Asian country and the Occidental nationalism. As he assumes for the Japanese Pearl Harbor portrayed “a blow against the efforts of the Occidental powers to strangle Japan”. He quotes Tokutomi Sohō’s comment on the Imperial Declaration of War: “We must show the races of East Asia that order, tranquillity, peace... can be gained only by eradicating... [the Anglo-Saxons] ...and by making Nippon the leader of East Asia.” The essay of Crowley aims to help the better understanding of nationalism, colonialism, communism and imperialism in the Asian setting. The post-WW1 situation 1 Besides this essay, I relayed on the Wikipedia articles of historical events as my source. 1 The essay argues that the nationalistic sentiments in Japan are rooted in several post WW1 diplomatic events which showed that Japan was not recognized as equal of the Anglo-Saxon nations. Article 156 of the treaty of Versailles (28 June 1919) transferred German concessions in Shantung(China) to Japan rather than returning sovereign...
Words: 1491 - Pages: 6
...movement that followed Marxism. The Chinese Civil War during the years 1945 to 1949 exemplified decolonization through the third method. The Civil War was a struggle in which the Nationalist Kuomintang Party (KMT) tried to exterminate the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for political and economic freedom. Due to the fact that this war could have potentially led to the eradication of Communism in China, the United States tried to become involved. The importance of eliminating Communism from...
Words: 1845 - Pages: 8
...ASSIGNMENT Chinese Foreign Policy ------------------------------------------------- Does Chinese Foreign Policy reflect the concerns of a status quo power or a revisionist power? INTRODUCTION Before addressing this question, it is essential to establish what is meant by a status quo or revisionist power. Hans Morgenthau described a status quo power as one that favours and aims to maintain “the distribution of power as it exists at a particular moment in history”,. Similarly, proponents of power transition theory use the concept of the “rules of the game” regarding nations’ power relations to define status quo and revisionist states, the latter desiring to “redraft the rules” out of a “general dissatisfaction” with their share in the system. Randall Schweller furthers this point by adding military force as a requisite of such ambitions to amend the status quo. For the purpose of this essay, whether a power is status quo or revisionist will be determined by whether its policies aim at acquiring a new power order in its favour. Using this yardstick, this essay will elaborate China’s current behaviour and underlying aspirations to argue that it would be inappropriate or at least premature to stamp the country ‘revisionist’. I will also incorporate Morgenthau’s viewpoint on a status quo’s ‘minor adjustments’ into my reasoning of China’s policy to argue that what could be currently perceived as evidence of Chinese aggressive ambitions are not attempts to reverse the current...
Words: 3606 - Pages: 15
...China Fragile Superpower This page intentionally left blank Fragile Superpower Susan L. Shirk China 2007 Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Copyright © 2007 by Susan L. Shirk Published by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 www.oup.com Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Shirk, Susan L. China: fragile superpower / by Susan L. Shirk. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-19-530609-5 1. Nationalism—China. 2. China—Politics and government—2002– I. Title. JC311.S525 2007 320.951—dc22 2006027998 135798642 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper For Sam, Lucy, and David Popkin This page intentionally left...
Words: 135807 - Pages: 544
...of China in the Asia-Pacific Region Origins, Development and Impact HUANG, AN-HAO Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2009 School of Social and Political Sciences Faculty of Arts The University of Melbourne Produced on archival quality paper ABSTRACT This thesis aims to examine how and why a continental-oriented China has shifted its maritime strategic orientation and naval force structure from its coast toward the far seas in an era of interdependent international system. Generally, China is an ancient continental land power with an incomplete oceanic awareness. With the transformation after the Cold War of China’s grand strategy from landward security to seaward security, maritime security interests have gradually become the most essential part of China’s strategic rationale. Undoubtedly, the quest for sea power and sea rights has become Beijing’s main maritime strategic issue. Given China’s escalating maritime politico-economic-military leverage in the Asia-Pacific region, its desire to become a leading sea power embodying global strategic thinking means that it must expand its maritime strategy by developing its navy and preparing for armed confrontation in terms of international relations realism. Conversely, Beijing’s maritime policy leads at the same time towards globalization, which involves multilateralism and strategic coexistence of a more pragmatic kind. This research analyses Chinese maritime...
Words: 115996 - Pages: 464
... The People’s Republic of China has been taking great pains to point out to its neighbours specifically, and the world in general, that they have nothing to fear of its increasing power. This approach is epitomised by China’s emphasis on the term ‘peaceful rise’ to describe its expanding influence since 2004. Not only is ‘peaceful rise’ used to allay concerns that China will use its power to further its goals at the expense of other nations, it is also used to directly contrast the PRC with the United States who have been embroiled in the same period in the controversial War on Terror. Given the prominence of the claim of the claim it is clearly in the interests of understanding international and regional developments that we pose the question “How peaceful is China’s peaceful rise?” As this essay will show, in light of the PRC’s domestic aims and because of China’s historical and cultural experiences, any attempt to answer question is contradictory, and depends on the region. The question of China’s contradictory peaceful rise is explained most completely by the theory of neoclassical realism. Neoclassical realism argues that it is the aim of states to gain power to pursue what they deem is in their national interests. It breaks down the state’s efforts in that respect into two spheres, the internal and the external. The external sphere is similar to other theories of realism, states competing against each other in an anarchical international order. The internal sphere is...
Words: 3553 - Pages: 15
...catastrophe of twentieth century’ (Rauchensteiner et al, 2014) , seems play an important role in the changes of international situation and social development from 1914 to 1918. On the other hand, the following World War II also affected greatly that period to some degree. For these two great wars, people hold different opinions on whether they are imperial wars and debate with each other through analyzing historical evidences. Hence, this essay will argue for the argument that World War I and World War II are imperialistic, with giving insight into the direct causes to outbreaks,...
Words: 1520 - Pages: 7
...Final Exam Questions 1. Q: Explain the historical relationship between Hutus and Tutsis. Before 1500s, there were mainly 2 tribes in Rwanda. Hutus and Tutsis. However, Tutsis had better agricultural and trade and combat skills. Very slowly over time, Tutsis took over the land ownership of Hutus and Hutus became part of Tutsis society. This was not a violent take over. This happened peacefully. Tutsi created an agreement that allowed Hutus to work on their land in exchange for payment and protection. As Tutsi became stronger, they saw no need to pay and protect Hutus. Hutus became Tutsis’ slaves. After World War II, Rwanda became Belgian colony. Belgian government tried to establish equal rights between Tutsis and Hutus. UN in 1962 gives independence to Rwanda. Election system allowed a Hutu to become a president. Tutsis tried to overthrow the government, but failed and almost all Tutsis fled from the country. Hutus killed almost 12,000 Tutsis in the process. The president signed a cease fire and in 1990, he promised to make many changes to Rwanda to try and allow Hutus and Tutsis to live together in peace. However, Hutu president Juvenal Habyarimana was killed when his airplane was shot down by unknown group. Angry Hutu extremists started to massacre Tutsis in Rwanda. Almost 927,000 Tutsis were killed in 100 days. UN and all other countries in the world did nothing. 2. Q: It...
Words: 2696 - Pages: 11
...Communist China * Browse essays using search option * Access free essay links resource page * Need help with paper writing services? * Bookmark our site for future reference Communism in an Economically Developing China The future of communism in China is unknown, as the world economy becomes more international. Communism has been in China since 1949 and is still present in the country’s activities. Presently China is undergoing incredible economic growth and promises to be a dominant power early in the next century. China’s social tradition has come under heavy pressure from forces of modernization generated in a large part by the sustained contact with the West that began in the middle of the nineteenth century. The Western incursion, not only refined China militarily but brought in its course new ideas- nationalism, science and technology, and innovations in politics, philosophy, and art. Chinese leaders have sought to preserve the nation’s cultural uniqueness by promoting specifically Chinese blends of tradition and modernity. China has undergone several major political transformations from a feudal-like system in early historical times, to a centralized bureaucratic empire that lasted through many unpredictable changes till 1911, to a republic with a communist form of government in the mainland since 1949. Economic geography and population pressure help account for the traditionally controlling role of the state in China. The constant indispensability...
Words: 2617 - Pages: 11
...should do in regard to China policy following the 2013 Federal Election 30 July 2013 at 22:44 Some Australian commentators claim that Australia is at a cross roads, and that it is unprecedented that its largest trading partner is not its closest ally.[1] In fact, its major ally and largest trading partner are engaged in a Cold War power struggle. They go on to say that solving this ‘unprecedented’ situation is Australia’s greatest foreign policy conundrum for at least the next decade.[2] However, Australia’s situation is not unique, neither in the region nor in its own history. By considering the recent positions of the major political parties this essay will examine Australian and Chinese foreign policy in relation to the importance of the Australian-Chinese relationship and whether we need to choose between China and America. Lastly, I shall recommend strategies for the Australian government to implement regarding its China policy. The overarching foreign policy aim for both the ALP and Coalition is serving Australia’s national interest, which can be broadly broken down into four main goals: maintaining the territorial integrity of Australia, including the safety and security of its society and economy; ensuring regional stability and preserving the existing regional balance of power; the sea lanes that make up the arteries of international trade remain open; and responding to new security threats.[3] Included in the last goal are terrorism, international crime, unregulated...
Words: 3038 - Pages: 13
...Assess the impact of interference by foreign powers on china’s development in the 20th century. Has the impact of foreign powers been significant in China’s development throughout the 20th century? Or has China thrived by its own means to become one of the leading superpowers, with the world’s second largest army and an economy which is now rivaling that of the United States. To answer this question we must evaluate the key events which aid China’s development politically, economically, militarily and internationally and assess the extent to which this is a consequence of interference by foreign powers. There is no doubt that foreign interference played a significant role in the development of China we cannot however discount the Chinese contribution...
Words: 1939 - Pages: 8
...Abstract: The Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands have brought China and Japan into a bitter dispute for many decades. With regard to the real question of who owns sovereignty over the islands, the two claimants can not come to terms on several critical issues, such as whether the islands were terra nullius when Japan claimed sovereignty in 1895, whether Japan returned the islands to China after the Japanese defeat in WWII, and how their maritime boundary in the East China Sea should be demarcated according to international law. There is no ready solution to the longstanding stalemate, but the pending dispute could be shelved and managed from escalating into a military conflict. INTRODUCTION The Diaoyu Islands in Chinese or Senkaku in Japanese are a tiny group of islands, 6.3 km² in total, in the East China Sea. The islands consist of eight tiny insular formations, of which only two are over 1 km² (the Diaoyu/Uotsuri Island is the biggest one with 4.3 km²), five are completely barren, and none are currently inhabited or have had any kind of reported human economic activity. Notwithstanding these unfriendly natural features, the islands have brought China and Japan into a bitter dispute since 1960’s because of their strategic importance in terms of security and economy, as well as their significant political implications. The Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands are located approximately midway between the island of Taiwan and the Japanese Ryukyu Islands, around 120 nautical...
Words: 9005 - Pages: 37
...report on China's place in the world Brushwood and gall China insists that its growing military and diplomatic clout pose no threat. The rest of the world, and particularly America, is not so sure, says Edward Carr Dec 2nd 2010 | from PRINT EDITION • • IN 492BC, at the end of the “Spring and Autumn” period in Chinese history, Goujian, the king of Yue in modern Zhejiang, was taken prisoner after a disastrous campaign against King Fuchai, his neighbour to the north. Goujian was put to work in the royal stables where he bore his captivity with such dignity that he gradually won Fuchai’s respect. After a few years Fuchai let him return home as his vassal. Goujian never forgot his humiliation. He slept on brushwood and hung a gall bladder in his room, licking it daily to feed his appetite for revenge. Yue appeared loyal, but its gifts of craftsmen and timber tempted Fuchai to build palaces and towers even though the extravagance ensnared him in debt. Goujian distracted him with Yue’s most beautiful women, bribed his officials and bought enough grain to empty his granaries. Meanwhile, as Fuchai’s kingdom declined, Yue grew rich and raised a new army. Goujian bided his time for eight long years. By 482BC, confident of his superiority, he set off north with almost 50,000 warriors. Over several campaigns they put Fuchai and his kingdom to the sword. The king who slept on brushwood and tasted gall is as familiar to Chinese as King Alfred and his cakes are to Britons, or George Washington...
Words: 14821 - Pages: 60
...South China Sea Oil Dispute International Business Law – BUL 6850 South China Sea Oil Dispute Introduction The South China Sea dispute is a territorial wrangle among certain Asian countries. The rivalry dates back to the Sino-Japanese War of 1894 (Roberts & Buszynski, 2015). The interest by these countries is the suspected oil potential of the region and fishing grounds. China claims the majority of the area covering hundreds of miles east and south of its southern province of Hainan. Other countries involved in the dispute include Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei, all part of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) (See Appendix 1). The United States (U.S.) is an interested entity in the dispute based on the enormous number of commercial goods that pass through the sea each year (Dutton, 2014). This study will utilize the outcome of historical resolutions taken to resolve the dispute and analyze the conflict. Conducting a thorough analysis of this dispute is significant because it will set a good precedence for other existing global territorial disputes. In addition, finding a working solution for the dispute will benefit the ASEAN member countries through stability and other interested entities, such as the U.S., who rely on the South China Sea for trade. This paper will propose an International mediation alternative to the South China Sea oil dispute that will promote joint utilization of the natural resources within the territorial...
Words: 6528 - Pages: 27
...your answer, refer to at least one internal and one external challenge. Introduction In 1989 political scientist Francis Fukuyama declared “the end of history.”[1] Despite his language, Fukuyama was not an apocalyptic religious fundamentalist awaiting the rapture, but rather, he saw with the collapse of the Soviet Union the ultimate and final triumph of liberal democracy. Fukuyama draws on Marxist and Hegelian interpretations of the narrative of history as one of progress, in this case with its apex at the liberal democracy best represented by the United States of America. The triumphalism of this context may seem naïve in a post-9/11 world, but it should be seen in its original context of the decades long cold war between the US (and its allies) and the Soviet Union. These two sides came to represent an ideological conflict rather than a purely physical one, between liberal capitalist democracy and authoritarian communism, between free enterprise and central planning. Liberal democracy emerged victorious economically, politically and, Fukuyama would argue, philosophically. However, Fukuyama would be hard pressed to defend his near-eschatological optimism today, and Marxist critic Terry Eagleton has said that “the End of History is at an end.”[2] Rather than the comparatively monolithic opposition it experienced in the 20th Century, today the political dominance of liberal democracy is threatened by a wide variety of challenges, both internal and external, and, in the words of...
Words: 2309 - Pages: 10
