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Citizenship

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Introduction
Citizenship is being defined as the relationship between the state and individuals. Historically citizenship is being inevitably linked with the state formation. Originally citizenship was denoting residence of people within protected walls of a city. Thus, whoever belonged to a community residing inside the boundaries was considered a citizen. Later this term has acquired a different meaning and the standards and definitions of citizenship have changed. There were many reasons that have caused such changes: history proceeded with its migrations, wars and annexation and along on its way brought new meanings to citizenship. Such change in definition, for example, can be found in suffrage granted to women and the nonpropertied classes. Paupers, convicts and soldiers are another example of how political and civil rights were once a privilege of certain classes only (Dahrendorf, 1974, p. 11).
With the introduction of mass democracy and social protection as well as introduction of welfare state a need in the new conception that would look on the relationship on an individual and the state appeared consequently. The norms of citizenship, therefore, have improved with the development of state and citizenship became a multination concept, which implies different things to different nations (Dahrendorf, 1974, p. 12).
According to Michael Ignatieff (1995), the introduction of the welfare state can be explained as an attempt to make citizenship “a real as opposed to a purely formal experience” (Ignatieff, 1995, p. 67). The experience of World War Two has demonstrated that that the concept has to be changed and since then the “security” became of the main value for the new conception of citizenship. Civic solidarity had to be built on the principles of “presumption that the more a citizen received from the state the more easily he would connect his private interest to the public” (Ignatieff, 1995, p. 68).
Today citizenship is more than just a detector of national identity; it also involves an increasing range of obligations and rights. Social citizenship and the welfare state are not concerned with borders or accounting rules, instead they define the standard of citizenship. In fact, the importance of belonging to community has been intensified by the welfare state. Meanwhile, social citizenship has emphasized the relationships between citizens and the state and increased the level of obligation owned by the state towards its citizens. This was accomplished through the governments’ commitment to develop and maintain a minimum standard of living socially accepted for all members within community. (Kolberg, 1992, p. 23) According to Marshall’s definition: “Citizenship requires a bond of a different kind, a direct sense of community membership based upon loyalty to a civilization which is common possession; it is the loyalty of free men endowed with rights and protected by a common law”(Marshall, 1950, p. 22).
Citizenship is about legitimate membership of all individual with the state, provided that each of them accepts the duties to the state and in return expects protection of his/her rights by the state. With the help of legal framework citizenship allows also the development of associations created within a civil society. Thus, citizenship doesn’t only grant a legal status, but also implies economic consequences.
There are different views and perspectives on citizenship. The communitarian view, for example, distinguishes the “loyalty” and “sense of community” as words associated with obligations and rights in the democratic state. (Galston, 1993, p. 43) From this perspective, community acquires the meaning of not only solidarity, belonging, and rights, but also of loyalty and reciprocity.
The purpose of this paper is to review and describe the contemporary theories of citizenship and to analyze their advantages and disadvantages in the light of the emerging global changes in society.
Liberal Theory of Citizenship
Marshall T. H. is generally considered an author of social citizenship concept. The concept originates from an essay that was given as a speech back in 1949 in honor of Alfred Marshall. The civil element in Marshal’s theory answered for “the rights necessary for individual freedom – liberty of the person, freedom of speech, thought and faith, the right to own property and to conclude valid contract, and the right to justice” (Marshall, 1950, p. 19) and generally reflected the concepts of passive citizenship.
As a “political element” in his theory Marshall has also included “the right to participate in the exercise of political power, as a member of a body invested with political authority or as an elector of the members of such a “body” and a “social element”: rights which range from economic welfare to “the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilized being according to the standards prevailing in the society” (Marshall, 1950, p. 47)
From Marshall’s point of view the fullest realization of citizenship was primarily dependent on a liberal-democratic welfare state that guaranteed essential civil (freedom of speech, freedom to worship, free to own property and equality of justice for all), political (right to vote), and social (housing, education, social protection from poverty) rights to all members of the state (Marshall, 1950, pp. 32-66).
However, the conflict of interests is found when we apply the concept of equality implied by citizenship to the capitalist society, where the prevalent is the principle of inequality. In other words, the equality of citizens becomes unacceptable in circumstances, where real inequalities are being generated by capitalism between different social groups and social classes.
Such concern was raised by Marx in his recognition of the fact that the state’s abstract equality contradicts the society’s concrete inequality. According to Marx, the class divisions within a civil society are being reflected by the state, which serves as an instrument for the ruling class. Although the expansion of suffrage was welcomed by Marx, he nevertheless believed that the only way to bring real equality was a revolutionary change. He argued that democracy and equality perhaps were subjects to political sphere, but they were far from being extended to the office and factory life (Etzioni, 1990, p. 61).
Marshall nevertheless believed in the dramatic changes for a civil society, which would eliminate inequalities by modifying the social rights. His assumptions turned out to be right, when the post-WWII changes in the welfare state brought to many people social benefits, such as public health, security and public education (Koppelman, 1996, p. 73).
However, the new wave of 1970’s neo-liberalism promised the backwards move of the welfare state social frontiers. Neo-liberalism advocates argued that capitalism was inhibited by the extensive social rights and that the last were damaging the entrepreneurial spirit in society. Moreover, according to neo-liberals, social rights promoted “dependency culture”, which was destroying work ethic and individual self-reliance (Kymlicka, 1994, p. 58).
There are some other controversial points in Marshall’s theory, which require additional questioning. The primary concern in his theory is how the concept of citizenship must be understood in the context of the relationships between the state and civil society, and what are those factors affecting such relationships.
In the first place Marshall’s theory lacks some valid explanation on why citizenship contracts and expands over time; that is, Marshall does not provide adequate description of the way rights decrease or increase in certain societies. Marshall’s critics contend that rights are subject to contingency in relationships between state and civil society, which influence the nature of rights, and social changes in general. Among such factors would be gender, class, age, ethnicity, sexual orientation, disability, social movements, etc. Thus, contrary to evolutionary theory proposed by Marshall, these critics state that citizenship is not a subject to universal way of development, but instead it is contingent and historical (Mouffe, 1992a, p. 11).
Another feature about Marshall’s theory of liberal citizenship is that it doesn’t recognize those tensions that naturally exist between different types of rights. Thus, instead of being complementary, rights appear to be conflictual, they have different logics: * political rights imply the level of control over the state; * social rights are claimed from the state; * civil rights are aimed against the state (Nisbet, 1974, p. 67).
In a triangle of democracy-welfare-capitalism correlation it is hard to imagine the effective management of these conflictual rights. Moreover, with the tensions existing between the state and the civil society it becomes a matter of resolving the potential conflicts rather than establishing effective social citizenship (Oldfield, 1998, p. 78).
The third disadvantage of Marshall’s theory and particularly its adaptations is that they lack to provide valid explanations on how citizenship is being shaped by economic factors. In times of economic crisis, for example, the cut of taxes and axe of public spending consequently reduce the social rights. The needy and the poor become especially vulnerable, since with the obligatory contracting of social security they have no means to protect themselves from ruling class’ onslaught (Kolberg, 1992, p. 43).
Finally, the theory of liberal citizenship lacks arguments to explain the transformation of citizenship in the context of crises.
For example: * during an ecological crisis some social and civil rights become the subject to withdrawal, while obligations are extended in order to ensure the ecological stability and survival; * during a military crisis, when curfew is being imposed by the state, some civil rights become a subject to restriction. * during an economic crisis the state is forced to roll back some social rights, since certain circumstances force it to limit the full range of social protection and encourage self-responsibility and volunteering.
Communitarian Theory of Citizenship
The communitarian approach to citizenship argues that citizens are not dispersed individuals, but each of them is the unit of a community, in which their status and participation are formed through their constant dependence on other members of community. The relations, therefore, define participation of citizens with each other and with the communities to which they belong. Communitarians oppose the liberal concepts of citizenship because of their basis in determining the autonomous individual as self-sufficient and the one who derives rights from this status.
Communitarians insist that liberalism with its individualist outlook “overlooks the differences and material inequalities between members of society and pays too little attention to the social dimension of citizenship” (Galston, 1993, p. 35).
Communitarianism and civic republicanism concentrate on the politics of the “common good”. Yet, they represent different persectives: for communitarians citizens are seen as members of communities, rather than as individual public figures as they are viewed by supporters of civic republicanism. Communitarians focus on common values and norms, and on people’s “duties” as being citizens. Civic republicans focus on family life, traditional moral values and traditional ways of caring. Communitarians highlight the transferring of private virtues and norms into the public decision-making sector of life, which again demonstrates a fundamental difference with civic republicanism (Galston, 1993, p. 37; Oldfield, 1998, p. 49).
Civil society is seen as essential in improvement of day-to-day life, and civil society organizations are seen to replace the role and responsibilities of government authorities in ensuring the rights related to social citizenship. The civil society organizations discussed from this perspective are the local neighbourhoods, working environment, school communities or families; however, the list can also include women’s organizations, sports associations, as well as volunteer workers in community service (Etzioni, 1990, p. 24).
The ideas of communitarianism have been widely used in recent discussions because of the importance of creating “social capital”. Social capital is related to the processes between people who establish networks, norms and social trust and contribute to the coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit. Robert Putnam, the sociologist who popularised the concept of social capital, distinguishes between political participation and social capital. According to his opinion political participation is considered as “relations with political institutions” and is seen as social capital and its complementary act of “civic engagement”, which seems to be more suitable official description for acts accepted by members of communities(Etzioni, 1990, p. 44).
Discussions on the subject of social capital raise the issues of citizen’s rights and duties, and thus move away from the topic of liberal and civic republican points of view. In communitarianism it is “community” responsibility to establish and fulfil participation and practice of citizenship. In this case the state no longer takes this role, or it’s not seen as citizen action undertaken in the political and public spheres generally. More likely it is “trusting” and sharing communities that are able to provide citizenship by constant provision and guarantee of social rights for individuals (Etzioni, 1990, p. 37).
However, the communitarian theory faces the threat of underestimating the importance of material and economic dimensions to social problems, the institutions’ elite nature, which favors some groups against the others and the minority rights movements with their recent increase of success and popularity:
The existing problems in society (such as social deviance, increasing crime or family breakdown) take roots from both economic and cultural causes. Thus, insecure work and unemployment affect the social problems that appear in the community or at home.
Institutions (such as the market, the state and different associations) favor some groups over others, which causes the privilege groups discriminate against interests of minority groups, which are in need for assistance.
Feminist Theory of Citizenship
The introduction of the two main traditions that derived citizenship as status and practice was informed by the concept of inclusiveness. This concept was later applied to the realization of citizenship worldwide. For the former, it pointed out the possibilities of universal establishment of citizenship as a part of a diverse, international concept that unites citizenship ties with the nation-state and creates the discourse of human rights (Kernohan, 1998, p. 14).
These general principles provided the foundation for discussion of more concrete question of women’s claims to citizenship. The concept of distinguished universalism was applied to a number of basic debates in feminist theory in attempts to move beyond the binary divides which so often involve us into either gender-neutral or gender-differentiated models of citizenship, neither of which can be satisfactory by its own. Thus, it is no longer a question whether a demand for full citizenship should be claimed based on either women’s equality with or difference from men and encouraged by an ethic of either justice or care; which is premised on an ideal of either a independent or interdependent citizen (Koppelman, 1996, p. 30).
Changed and modified along feminist and radical pluralist lines, citizenship gives a theoretical tool that contributes to the analysis of the pressures and tensions that continue to face women in their diversity, without denying women’s agency (Kukathas, 2001, p. 11).
As an instrument or measure, the feminist perspective also offers a political potential to be realized. So the possibilities given by citizenship can be a great power for self-realization in the society even for the minority groups that experience different types of discrimination, because the rights that guarantee them equality assume the wide range of social and public participation (Mouffe, 1992a, p. 41).
Feminist perspective on social citizenship was adapted by Helga Hernes, sociologies from Norway (Pateman, 1988, p. 13). Later Hernes’s theory of “state-feminism” was embraced by Ann Shola Orloff, who argued that citizenship implies an obligation on the side of the state to provide women with capacity “to form and maintain autonomous households” (Orloff, 1993, p. 43) According to Orloff such concept must be applied in systematic comparative analysis. An expansive conception of citizenship from the perspective of women’s rights was similarly embraced by other writers (Rian, 1998, p. 5).
The discussion of citizenship from this angle involves a long-standing conflict between statist and liberal interpretations of citizenship.
Some of the issues raised are: * Does equality assumes that the government takes an obligation to make citizens equals or just to treat them as equals? * If citizenship is used as means to claim a certain redress for some group, how can its members claim equality at the same time? * Is it possible that women get the same treatment as men and yet, simultaneously, a different treatment from the state? (Skeie, 1991)
The arguments for group citizenship rights imply that citizenship is being associated with different things in different realms; while it can be referred as universal in the realms of political and civil rights, it becomes differential in the realm of social rights. According to Chantal Mouffe, for example, both “the specificity of womanhood and the common humanity of men and women” can be recognized by citizenship. This makes her free to defend the nonuniversalistic conceptions of citizenship without being vulnerable to accusations in double standards. (Mouffe, 1992a, p. 19-22)
The feminist perspective on the welfare state does make the explicit use of the concepts of citizenship, universalism and solidarity, however, in reality the outcomes do not match the expectations of social citizenship advocates in terms of group rights and inclusiveness (Young, 1990, p. 34).
Conclusion
The raising interest in citizenship and its implications in society is caused by emerging political events, academic debates and policy innovation. In Europe, for example, the issues regarding possible “add-on” citizenship were raised with the declaration of a European Union and common citizenship of this union. Clinton administration in the United States has launched social policy innovation, which is based on the assertion that health care coverage represents a “right of citizenship.” Meanwhile, the feminist scholars have claimed that citizenship needs to be differentiated by social group and that preferential treatment to women should be granted by the state. All three contexts nevertheless imply that the concept of “social citizenship” has played a significant role, provided that this citizenship represents the adaptation of redistributive policies initiated by an obligation on the part of the state. These arguments and events will raise broader concept of the nature of government’s obligations to groups and individuals and the capacity of governments to respond to new group claims by shaping the inclusive policies.
References:
1.Dahrendorf, Ralf. (1974) “Citizenship and Beyond: The Social Dynamics of an Idea.” Social Research 41, no. 4.
2.Etzioni, Amitai. (Spring 1990) “Liberals and Communitarians”, Partisan Review, 57.
3.Galston, William A. (Summer, 1993) “The Promise of Communitarianism”. National Civic Review, 82.
4.Ignatieff, A. M. (1995) “The Myth of Citizenship”, in R.Beiner (ed), Theorizing Citizenship, State University of New York Press, pp.66-72.
5.Kernohan, Andrew. (1998) Liberalism, Equality, and Cultural Oppression. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
6.Kolberg, Jon Eivind. (1992) Between Work and Social Citizenship. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe.
7.Koppelman, Andrew. (1996) Antidiscrimination Law and Social Equality. New Haven: Yale University Press.
8.Kukathas, Chandran. (2001) “Is Feminism Bad for Multiculturalism?” Public Affairs Quarterly 15, pp. 83-97.
9.Kymlicka, Will. (1994) “Individual and Community Rights,” in J. Baker, ed., Group Rights. University of Toronto Press.
10.Manin, Bernard. (1999) The Principles of Representative Government. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
11.Marshall, T. H. (1950) Citizenship and Social Class and Other Essays. Cambridge University Press.
12.Mouffe, Chantal. (1992) “Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics”, in Judith Butler and Joan W. Scott, eds. Feminists Theorize the Political. New York: Routledge.
13.Mouffe, Chantal. (1992) “Preface: Democratic politics today,” in Dimensions of Radical Democracy: Pluralism, Citizenship, Community. Ed Chantal Mouffe. London: Verso, pp. 1-16.
14.Nisbet, Robert. (1974) “Citizenship: Two Traditions”, Social Research 41, no. 4.
15.Oldfield, Adrian. (1998) “Citizenship and Community: Civic Republicanism and the Modern World,” in The Citizenship Debates: A Reader, Ed Gershon Shafir. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, pp 75-92.
16.Orloff, Ann Shola. (June, 1993) “Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship”. American Journal of Sociology, 58.
17.Pateman, Carol. (1988) “The Patriarchal Welfare State” in Amy Gutmann, ed., Democracy and the Welfare State. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
18.Rian, Voet. (1998). Feminism and Citizenship. University of Auckland.
19.Skeie, Hege. (1991) “The Rhetoric of Difference: On Women’s Inclusion into Political Elites.” Politics and Society 19, no. 2.
20.Young, I. M. (1990) Throwing Like a Girl and Other Essays in Feminist Philosophy and Social Theory, Indiana University Press.
Abstract:
This study describes the objectives, structures, and outcomes of a one-semester, required sociology research capstone course as taught at three institutions. Pre- and postquestionnaires from students, syllabi from instructors, and a random sample of final research papers were analyzed. Results indicate that the main foci of the course are to conduct research, produce a paper or thesis, develop writing and presentation skills, and integrate past learning. Instruction in this course includes numerous best practices from the literature on teaching and learning. There appears to be an underemphasis, however, on helping students to apply theory in their projects. The theses reveal a wide range of topics, methodological approaches, and quality, with the introduction/literature review and discussion/conclusion sections receiving the lowest quality scores. (Contains 5 notes and 4 tables.)
Research and Statistics: Research Reports
Citizenship and Immigration Canada’s strategic research program furthers our understanding of the impact of immigration on Canadian society.
Access analytical research reports prepared to support Citizenship and Immigration Canada’s research program. * Recent Immigrants, Earlier Immigrants and the Canadian-Born: Association with Collective Identities
Collective identities are statements about categorical membership, which can be understood to be, on the one hand, socially constructed, yet, on the other, real and meaningful. Levels of identification provide insight into feelings of belonging, perceptions of settlement, and overall life satisfaction and therefore can be used as an important indicator of social integration. High levels of identification have “widespread instrumental value in virtue of satisfying desire or needs to belong (or to identify with others, or be recognized by others) and thereby secure goods such as psychological security, self-esteem and feelings of being at home in the world” (Mason 2000, 54). * A literature review of Public Opinion Research on Canadian attitudes towards multiculturalism and immigration, 2006-2009
The report is a review of publicly-available data on public attitudes relating to multiculturalism and immigration, from 2006 to 2009. We believe that a review of attitudes can play a critical role in policy and program development in these domains. That said, relatively little data on the state of Canadian public opinion on issues of multiculturalism and immigration exists since 2006, and the current state of Canadian opinion on these critical issues has been scarcely explored. There has been some intermittent and partial exploration of these attitudes in various individual commercial and in some academic work, but no systematic review of the public literature on the state of opinion on these issues. The primary purpose of this project is to identify and analyze existing public opinion data on the Canadian public’s attitudes towards multiculturalism and immigration, and review literature that analyzes such data. * A profile of foreign students who transition to permanent resident status in Atlantic Canada
This paper has been prepared at the request of the Atlantic Population Table. The Atlantic Population Table (APT) is a multistakeholder initiative of key federal and provincial partners, namely the Atlantic Opportunities Agency (ACOA), the four Atlantic Provinces, HRSDC and CIC, working together in support of regional development, including increased immigration to meet local needs.
There are five streams of the APT initiative: Attraction and Promotion, Awareness, Retention, Research and Labour Market Integration. Under the research stream a comprehensive three year research plan (2007-2010) was developed, based on priorities identified by the APT Research Sub-Committee. * Social Capital and Employment Entry of Recent Immigrants to Canada
There is growing evidence that the economic outcomes of recent immigrants declined in comparison with earlier cohorts (e.g. Bloom, Grenier and Gunderson 1995; Picot, Hou and Coulombe 2007). Examining the determinants of labour market outcomes for recent immigrants, including social capital components, is an essential step in understanding this phenomenon. In light of the difficulties of recent immigrants to assimilate into the Canadian labour market, the role of social capital as a mechanism for understanding the socio-economic progress of immigrants is increasingly prompting public interest (Kunz 2005). Different definitions of social capital have been used to examine broad contexts such as educational attainment (Sun 1999; Israel and Beaulieu 2004), job search (Montgomery 1991), and health services utilization (Deri 2005). * Portrait of an Integration Process
This study examines the progressive process of the LSIC immigrants during the initial settlement and integrating period, with a focus on the barriers new immigrants experienced and resources they relied on in the first 4 years in Canada. Four key areas of settlement and integration are explored including: finding employment, getting education, accessing health care and finding housing. The paper tries to identify core integration barriers and possible sources of assistance for these hurdles. Challenges to assimilation process are also examined in terms of unmet needs in the key integration tasks over time. The paper draws on the advantages of the LSIC, by examining the dynamics of the integration process. Special attention is given to the progressive nature of the initial 4 years for immigrants. * Social Capital and Wages
It is now well established that social capital is a resource that resides in interpersonal networks and that workers draw upon it to access employment and better job opportunities (e.g. Granovetter 1995; Lin 2001). Returns to social capital in the labour market have been explored increasingly over the last decade (e.g. Lin 1999; Staiger 1990; Calvó-Armengol and Jackson 2003). Despite an important theoretical literature arguing that using contacts or networks increases wages and occupational status (e.g. Granovetter 1995; Lin 2001), the empirical results on the effects of social capital on labour market outcomes vary with the contexts of the studies. The disparity of measurements of social capital and the unavailability of relevant data leave the empirical question open. * Initial Labour Market Outcomes
The completion of the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (LSIC) provides a unique opportunity to capture initial settlement and integration experiences of recent immigrants who landed in Canada from October 2000 to September 2001. The longitudinal nature of the LSIC enables researchers to examine the dynamics of the whole adaptation process in the first 4 years in Canada.The results from the first two waves of the LSIC showed that as time went on, the LSIC immigrants had made considerable progress in the Canadian labour market. The current report takes a comprehensive look at the employment outcomes of these immigrants during their first four years in Canada, with the focus on transitions in the labour market over time. * The Labour Market Progression of the LSIC Immigrants
Labour market participation is a key aspect of the settlement and integration process for newcomers in Canada. Results from the first wave of the LSIC showed that during the first six months most of the LSIC immigrants had tried to enter the labour market, and 4 out of 10 had found work. As time goes by, have these newcomers progressed in the labour market? The second wave of LSIC can offer insights on the labour market experience of the new immigrants two years after arrival. * The Interprovincial Mobility of Immigrants in Canada
This document highlights some of the key findings of analysis carried out on the interprovincial mobility of immigrants and the retention of immigrants, based on data extracted from the Longitudinal Immigration Database (IMDB). The information presented focuses on the 2006 tax year. * An examination of the Canadian Language Benchmark data from the Citizenship Language Survey
In the summer of 2006, Citizenship and Immigration Canada requested a comprehensive analysis of an existing data set. Data for the pilot test were collected in six cities from immigrants who were waiting to take their citizenship test. Assessors administered the combined listening and speaking component of the Canadian Language Benchmark Assessment tool (CLBA). In addition, the participants provided demographic information on a wide array of variables. The chief purpose of this research was to examine the relationships between these variables and the language proficiency of the immigrants, as determined by the CLBA scores. * Health Status and Social Capital of Recent Immigrants in Canada: Evidence from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada
Using data from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (LSIC), the author look at the dynamic changes in the health status of recent immigrants in their initial four years in Canada, focusing particularly on the effect of social capital on immigrant health. Our descriptive and regression results provide support for the “healthy immigrant effect”; however, the results show that this effect diminishes over time. * Recent immigrant outcomes - 2005 employment earnings
This research report provides a longitudinal study on immigrant labour market outcomes with the use of data from the Longitudinal Immigrant Database (IMDB) and the Labour Force Survey (LFS). The report discusses major factors affecting the labour market outcomes of recent immigrants to Canada. This is an annual follow-up to 2004 report. * Socioeconomic Profiles of Immigrants in the Four Atlantic Provinces — Phase II: Focus on Vibrant Communities
This research project, conducted for Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC), is one of the research activities scheduled under the Atlantic Population Table Research Workplan for the year 2007-2008. The question of attraction to, and promotion and retention of, immigrants in Atlantic Canada has been identified as a key priority for this research. Building on the project sponsored by the Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency (ACOA), the Rural Secretariat, the four provincial governments of Atlantic Canada and Saint Mary’s University on demographic and socioeconomic profiles of immigrants in all four provinces, this project makes use of data on annual inflows of immigrants and data on resident immigrants based on the 2001 and 2006 censuses to provide a profile of immigrants in vibrant communities of Atlantic Canada. * An annotated bibliography of francophone immigration to Atlantic Canada
What follows is a series of bibliographical annotations for publications dealing with the subject of Francophone immigration to Atlantic Canada. They fall into three major groups, namely works products by academic researchers, works published by community organizations, and works distributed by government institutions. * Exploring minority enclave areas in Montréal, Toronto, and Vancouver
The population of immigrants and members of Visible minority groups in Canada is concentrated in the three largest metropolitan areas of Montréal, Toronto, and Vancouver. Further, there are pronounced variations within these cities, and researchers and policy analysts have become increasingly interested in the tendency of some groups to form ethno–specific enclaves in certain neighbourhoods. * Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada: Client Profile and Performance Indicators
The Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) program provides basic language training to adult permanent residents in one of Canada’s official languages to facilitate their social, cultural and economic integration into Canada. By developing linguistic communication skills through LINC, immigrants and refugees are better able to function in Canadian society and contribute to the economy. For this report, special tabulations from two administrative data sources were combined in order to get consistent time series data that is used to develop a demographic profile and performance indications for LINC. The two administrative data sources are: 1. the Immigration Contribution Accountability Measurement System (iCAMS); and 2. the History of Assessment, Referrals and Training system (HARTs). * Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada: Performance results by LINC level
The following analysis looks at the LINC program by specific LINC level. For each of the levels, the following three broad characteristics are examined: 1. Number of clients in training at a specified LINC level. 2. Number of clients who have completed courses at a specified LINC level. 3. Average number of hours taken to complete a course at the specified LINC level. * Impact of Canadian postsecondary education on recent immigrants’ labour market outcomes
This paper uses data from three waves of the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (LSIC) that cover the period 2000-2004 to assess short-term employment outcomes for recent immigrants who had prior university education and chose either to enrol in a Canadian university, college, or other postsecondary educational institution. The key research question we sought to answer is: Do different PSE pathways lead to successful employment outcomes among recent immigrants with prior university education?
Copies of the full report are available upon request to Research-Recherche@cic.gc.ca. * Recent immigrants: A comparison of participants and non-participants in Canadian post-secondary education
In this study, the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants in Canada (LSIC) is employed to examine the extent to which immigrants utilized the Canadian post-secondary education (PSE) system soon after arrival, the focus being on adult immigrants who had obtained a post-secondary credential in their country of origin, thus allowing for an analysis focused on the experiences in Canada of immigrants who have post-secondary education at time of immigration.
Copies of the full report are available upon request to Research-Recherche@cic.gc.ca. * A description of the ethnic segregation/mixing within major Canadian metropolitan areas project
This report investigates and analyzes residential and workplace geographic distributions of immigrants and visible minority groups living in Canada’s largest cities and depicts the findings through a series of colour coded maps. * Elderly immigrants in Canada: Income sources and self-sufficiency
Using data from the Longitudinal Immigrant Database (IMDB) this report builds on two aspects of previous research in this area. First, this paper investigates the demographic characteristics elderly immigrants in an attempt to highlight differences that may affect income. The second part of this analysis takes a more in-depth look at the income sources of elderly immigrants in Canada. 4. Summary * Immigrant income and the family
Throughout the entire report the immigrant and non-immigrant populations are compared with respect to socio-economic characteristics and family income situations. * Recent immigrant outcomes – 2004
This research report provides a longitudinal study on immigrant labour market outcomes with the use of data from the Longitudinal Immigrant Database (IMDB) and the Labour Force Survey (LFS). The report discusses major factors affecting the labour market outcomes of recent immigrants to Canada. This is an annual follow-up to 2003 report. * Recent immigrant outcomes – 2003
This research report provides a longitudinal study on immigrant labour market outcomes with the use of data from the Longitudinal Immigrant Database (IMDB) and the Labour Force Survey (LFS). The report discusses major factors affecting the labour market outcomes of recent immigrants to Canada. * Recent Immigrants in Metropolitan Areas
Read about recent immigrants living in Canada and in selected metropolitan areas at the time of the 2001 Census of Population. A set of comparative profiles is available with information on the origin and background of immigrants, their family and household structures, economic participation, income and housing. * Labour Market Outcomes for Migrant Professionals: Canada and Australia Compared – Executive Summary
This report was co-funded by Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Human Resources and Social Development Canada, and Statistics Canada.
The Creating Citizenship Communities project is funded by a generous grant from the Esmée Fairbairn Foundation and is in collaboration with the National Foundation for Educational Research (NFER). In relation to community cohesion this research project will identify current thinking and practice in schools; explore young people’s perceptions and practice; and, through the development of a focused impact strategy encourage partnerships to be established between professionals and others. These partnerships will enhance learning through - and for - community cohesion.
Using a variety of research methods that include a literature review, analysis of secondary data, a representative survey of schools in England, and eight case studies we will: * ascertain activities for community cohesion that are managed by schools and to what extent these initiatives are perceived by students to contribute to their understanding and practice; * ascertain how students characterise community cohesion and what range of community (both virtual and actual) activities they are engaged in within and beyond school; * produce a wide range of resources for new approaches to learning (for policy makers; academics; and, professionals and young people).

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...Benefits of being a Good Citizen In this assignment I am going to assess what the benefits of being a good citizen are and how being a good citizen benefits public services. A good citizen is a big benefit to not just public services but to society as they will work to make it a better place for everyone in it. A good citizen can help the public services in many ways for example a way to help the police would be to simply stay out of trouble so the police won’t have to waste their time on you when they could be somewhere else. There are also other ways a good citizen can help the police: They could open and run a community centre for youths to keep them off of the streets so they’re not causing the police any problems. Doing this is also a big benefit to the community as it gives youths something to do and could also be another way to educate them also. A good citizen could also volunteer for the police specials. This would be a big benefit for the police because when too many things are going on at the same time and the police are running out of officers the specials can be called to assist them. The specials are also unpaid so the police don’t need to pay them a wage. Not only do good citizens help the police but they can also help the fire service by becoming a retained fire fighter who someone that already has a full time job outside of the fire service but can then be called out by the fire service when they need it. There are currently 18 000 retained fire fighters...

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...Based off of Joel Westheimer and Joseph Kahne’s “What Kind of Citizen? The Politics of Education for Democracy”, I have mainly engaged in personally responsible citizenship and participatory citizen, with little, if any, justice oriented citizenship. Being a personally responsible citizen seems to me, to be the easiest form of citizenship to engage in. People do not have to go too far out of their way to donate a few cans to a food drive or obey laws. These acts are often even done without thinking (i.e. picking up trash or recycling). DU provides many opportunities to allow their students, staff, and surrounding community to participate in being a personally responsible citizen. They arrange blood drives once a quarter, offer recycling and...

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...My Opinion on Digital Citizenship In the world we live in today, the use of internet has become a necessity in actively participating in politics. It is the essential key of digital citizenship, which is “the ability to participate in society online,” (We The People 11). In this new age, there has been a tremendous shift from how we receive our information, how we get our education, and ultimately how we form our political opinions. Even now, as I write an essay for school, I am doing it in the comfort of my home, because technology has advanced to the point where I can do so. But, with all of that said, should we as Americans have the right to internet just because of technological advances? After reading the article on digital citizenship, I had a debate with my colleague, who is in her fifties, about whether or not the government should provide internet access to all. Her opinion was that the world was changing so rapidly that if the government accommodated every shift, our deficit would grow quadruple its size. She also said if the government provides internet then it should also provide phones, and tablets, and computers, because after all, if a person did not have access to internet, they probably would not have access to the technology that goes hand in hand with it. Though she was being sarcastic, I thought that she had a very good point, because that was likely the truth. I explained to her that even though she felt time was moving too fast, it would only continue...

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Citizenship In The Colonies

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Australian Citizenship

...Nations across the globe each have laws on citizenship. While they possess an understanding of what it means to be a citizen, is there anything which could be considered wrong with being a citizen? This question, “What is wrong with citizenship?” is a broad question, but an understanding of the issue will be pursued. It is intended to discuss herein citizenship, within the context of Australia and its Indigenous peoples. It is necessary to explore the impacts of the laws and identify what it means to be a citizen, both in a historical and contemporary context. Examination of these laws would also reveal their impact upon the identity which citizenship infers. It is by necessity that the concept of citizenship be explored for Indigenous peoples,...

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What Is Citizenship?

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What Is Citizenship?

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What Is Citizenship

...freedom, education and pursuit so I decided to become a citizen in 2011. What steps did you have to take as part of the naturalization process? To Start of the naturalization process to you first have to be at least 18 years old. You must have lived in America for at least five years as a permanent resident; you should not have any criminal records here or in your home country and you should be able to speak Basic English, read and write. After waiting at least 5 years I applied for citizenship. During this time I took classes to learn about the American History and Government. I had to take an INS exam to show proof of our background and also a basic exam to show I could read and write properly. Shortly after taking the exam I recited the Loyalty Oath. How would you describe how you felt about the process? The process was very long in my opinion but in the end it was all worth it. How has gaining citizenship changed your life? Is your daily life different because of gaining citizenship? Becoming a citizen has presented me with the ability to gain the values of freedom, education, and pursuit of happiness. I also got the opportunity to vote and to send my children to school to get an education. Do you feel the process was worthwhile? I think the process was worthwhile. If...

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Free Essay

Citizenship Obligation

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Global Citizenship

...go. Everyone has the potential of being a Global Citizen if they wish to but it takes courage, commitment, and a sense of humor to become one. Global citizenship might sound like a vague concept for academics but in fact it’s a very practical way of looking at the world which anyone, if given the opportunity, can relate to. In the context of globalization, thinking and acting as a global citizen is immensely important and can bring real benefits. To have a full insight of what it means to be a “global citizen”, one needs to understand what it means to be a citizen. A citizen is a native or naturalized member of a state or nation who owes allegiance to its government and is entitled to its protection (distinguished from alien). It also refers to a person owing loyalty to and entitled by birth or naturalization to the protection of a state or nation. According to some accounts, citizenship is motivated by local interests (love of family, communal fairness, self-interest), global interests (a sense of universal equality), and concern for fellow human beings, human rights and human dignity. The key tenets of global citizenship include respect for any and all fellow global citizens, regardless of race, religion or creed and give rise to a universal sympathy beyond the barriers of nationality. At Oxfam Education, Global Citizenship is believed to be...

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01.02 What Is Citizenship?: Assessment

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1.02 What Is Citizenship Assessment

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What Is Citizenship?

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The Difference Between Citizenship Education and Civic Education

...This essay endeavors to discuss the connection between citizenship education and civic education. It will further look at whether there is a difference between   the two or if they are the same. Lastly, the conclusion will be drawn. Before going into a detailed discussion it is prudent to define the key words, that is , Civic education and Citizenship education respectively. Civic Education is a broader field and therefore can be defined in   many different ways depending on the orientation of the educators, time , place and dictates of the political regime in the country. Zambia Civic Education Association (2004:38) “Civic Education refers to the formal awareness of the country’s citizens about their moral and legal entitlements (rights), their expected moral and legal functions(duties) as well as the extent to which they can influence the utilization of national/public resources, monitor leadership legitimacy and take part in decision making (governance).” Hamwiinga (2008:2) defines Civic Education as “an envisaged broader- based subject which relates to human beings and relationship with the natural, physical, social and cultural environment.” According to UNDP (2004) “ Civic Education is learning for effective participation in democratic and development processes at both local and national levels”. This then implies that if the citizens have not learnt about Civic Education they will not be able to uphold good democratic values thereby failing to be part of the local and national...

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