The International Journal of Human Resource Management, Vol. 20, No. 7, July 2009, 1503–1520

Workforce motivation in Japan: an examination of gender differences and management perceptions
Reginald Worthleya*, Brent MacNabb, Richard Brislina, Kiyohiko Itoa and Elizabeth L. Rosec a University of Hawaii at Manoa, Honolulu, Hawaii, USA; bThe University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia; cHelsinki School of Economics, Helsinki, Finland

As Japan enters the new century, pending workforce shortages – a function of low birth rates and an aging population – increase the need to address gender issues in organizations. Throughout the past four decades, the number of female workers in Japan has been growing, although full-time female participation in the Japanese workforce remains below the levels of some other industrialized nations. Despite the growing importance that the Japanese female labor force is expected to play, relatively little is known about women’s attitudes toward work motivation in Japan. Using a twofactor, Herzberg intrinsic/extrinsic approach to motivation, we examine the applicability of such a model in Japan, and compare the attitudes of female and male workers, as well as management and non-management. Our findings include: (1) support for the applicability of a Herzberg, two-factor model in Japan; (2) Japanese men in the workforce tending to value intrinsic motivators more than extrinsic factors; (3) female workers in Japan rating extrinsic factors higher than their male counterparts; and (4) managers’ opinions of what motivates employees not constituting a refined match to those of female employees, especially with respect to extrinsic motivation. In multi-gender Japanese organizations, management will potentially benefit from a better understanding and functional integration of important gender nuances into their motivation strategies. Keywords: gender; Herzberg; Japan; motivation; workforce

Introduction After World War II Japan experienced exceptional economic growth, and is currently the second largest economy in the world. As such, it is expected to remain an important global player for the foreseeable future. However, the Japanese economy faces constant challenges. Among the major concerns for Japan’s economic future are its low birth rate and the related labor shortages. In 2004, the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research in Japan reported the birth rate as 1.29 children per couple. This is well below the 2.1 rate per couple that would maintain constant population figures, which means that Japan will need to address the issue of future worker shortages, in both the professions and trades, within the next 20 years. This situation is made more acute when one considers Japan’s rapidly aging population. While potential relief can be expected from avenues such as productivity gains via technological advancements and further reduction of unemployment rates, it is

*Corresponding author. Email: worthley@hawaii.edu
ISSN 0958-5192 print/ISSN 1466-4399 online q 2009 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/09585190902983421 http://www.informaworld.com

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generally understood that new workforce sources will be required for Japan to remain competitive. Potential sources for addressing the pending labor shortage in Japan include: ethnic Japanese immigrants from other nations like Brazil (Tsuda 1999); non-ethnic Japanese immigrants from other nations familiar with the Japanese culture (Douglas and Roberts 2000); and greater integration of Japanese women into the workforce (Staley 2002). The first two options have been difficult to implement. Some researchers (e.g., Abegglen and Stalk 1985; Douglas and Roberts 2000; Staley 2002) have viewed Japan as an ethnically homogeneous nation that is likely to continue to exhibit caution toward the acceptance of mass integration of outsiders. While Brazil has a large population of ethnic Japanese, many of these families are well-established and successful members in their adopted home country, and their migration to Japan in large numbers is not viewed as being likely. Japan’s integration of females into the workforce is moderate, compared to that of other industrialized nations like the US and Canada (Tsuda 1999), so developing female participation in paid work may be a useful approach to addressing labor shortages. While more women have been entering the Japanese workforce over the past two decades, which is contributing to lower birthrates by extending the average age at which childbirth occurs (Renshaw 1999), there remains a largely untapped female labor potential, especially within the management ranks of large Japanese organizations (Gelb 2000). More female participation in the workforce represents one feasible solution to some of the issues facing the Japanese economy. Socially, there are signs that Japan is attempting to come to terms with the new realities. For example, there is recent evidence of ‘second career’ mothers re-entering the workforce during middle age, to fill part-time jobs. In addition, the Equal Employment Opportunity Law of 1986, along with more recent amendments, is designed to provide more rights to, and to encourage participation among, female workers (Nakamura 1996; Gelb 2000). This legislation has received mixed evaluations. While there have been some steps forward, such as increased interest among women in management positions (Mainichi Shinbun 1996), other issues remain, including one of the most serious genderbased wage gaps in the industrialized world (Gelb 2000; Yuasa 2005). Despite the ambiguous outcomes of legislative efforts, it is becoming increasingly difficult for organizations operating in Japan to ignore these legal, social, competitive, and demographic realities (Kamiya 1995; Renshaw 1999). While these developments may represent incremental steps away from traditional practice, especially with respect to management-level positions, there is ample evidence that Japan is capable of making dynamic social shifts in order to address socio-economic challenges (Abegglen and Stalk 1985). For example, since the mid-1990s, many large Japanese firms have engaged in downsizing, which is a departure from recent tradition (Mano 2001). There is also evidence to suggest that one of the so-called ‘pillars’ of Japanese organizational practice – lifetime employment (Abegglen 1958) – may now be less important than a more individuated ‘lifetime employability’ perspective (Brislin, MacNab and Worthley 2005). Facing pressure from foreign competition like Samsung and Apple Computer, Sony Corporation recently announced its intention to eliminate 10,000 positions, worldwide, by March 2008, with 40% of the job losses being in Japan. While this short-term downsizing is a competitive reality for select Japanese organizations, a more long-term and macro labor shortage is likely to compel Japanese industry toward change of another type. Given the growing importance of female workers in Japan, there is a need to develop a better understanding of gender-related issues in workforce management. As global

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competition drives the need for greater workplace and organizational efficiency, understanding the realities of female workforce motivation becomes even more critical. However, this area represents a gap in the literature. Because the literature on workforce motivation tends to center on a western – particularly a US – perspective (Aguinis and Henle 2002), there is a need for motivation research to be undertaken in different contexts. Comparatively little research has been undertaken on workforce motivation in Japan (Godkin, Endoh and Cahill 1996), and even less on gender-related theory development and analysis (Ebrahimi 1999); as such, further studies are necessary. In this paper, we examine the applicability of a two-factor, Herzberg intrinsic/extrinsic motivation model to the Japanese setting. The female workforce and culture in Japan Female workforce Over half of Japan’s female population is engaged in the labor market, although the percentage of women reaching the ranks of management is low, compared to other industrialized nations (Renshaw 1999; Tsuda 1999; Staley 2002). The total number of women in Japan’s labor force grew from 19 million in 1965 to nearly 24 million in 1985. In 1994, there were 27 million women in the Japanese workforce. The 1994 female laborforce participation rate was 50.2% in Japan, which was higher than rates in Germany, Spain, Italy, and France, and comparable to the United Kingdom (52.9%) and Australia (52.7%), although lower than the United States (58.2%) and Canada (57.6%) (Tsuda 1999). However, Japanese female participation in management is considerably lower than in other industrialized nations (Renshaw 1999; Taylor 2000), despite the fact that the female workforce in Japan is among the most educated in the world (OECD 2006). Many women in the Japanese labor force occupy lower-level clerical positions, usually in service to men (Staley 2002). Compared to the rates of female executives in the US (44.3%) and Germany (26.6%), large Japanese organizations have a scant 1.2% of their executive roles filled by women (Amaha 1999; Gelb 2000). There is concern that an impact of the 1986 Equal Employment Opportunity Laws in Japan has been the development of a two-track career system: the managerial track or sogoshoku (in which women have not typically been able to participate within large organizations), and the clerical track or ippanshoku (which, for large organizations, is comprised mostly of women). The effect has been to further distance females from executive positions in large Japanese organizations (Gelb 2000). Comparative research in the western and Japanese contexts suggests that women in the workforce share common challenges in industrialized nations, including income differentials, childcare responsibilities, promotion difficulty, and the gender gap (Adler and Israeli 1994; Strober and Chan 1999). However, the ability of women to actually reach management positions is apparently a much larger problem in Japanese firms (Staley 2002). Often, female employees in Japanese organizations are referred to, rather condescendingly, as onnanoko or ‘the girls’ (Ogasawara 1998), and there are indications that Japanese women tend to view corporate attitudes toward their employment as unfavorable (Mainichi Shinbun 1996). The traditional Japanese perspective is that a woman’s position in society is primarily that of family caretaker and mother. Indeed, it has not been uncommon for Japanese to view a woman’s participation in the workforce as a temporary stage of her life, with the expectation that she will eventually marry, leave the workforce, and raise a family (Staley 2002). The anticipation of eventual departure from employment may help to explain why over 30% of the female workforce in Japan consists of part-time workers (Gelb 2000).

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The expectation that women will leave the workforce in order to take on domestic responsibilities is strong, and some researchers have identified this as an important rationale for companies’ resisting the recruitment of females for management positions (Joshi and Chosa 1995). Ogasawara (1998) examined the importance of the female role in Japan, noting that, considering their power in terms of managing the home environment, the general attitude toward women in the Japanese workforce is a paradox. Renshaw (1999) discussed the evolving reality in Japan toward acceptance of women in management positions, suggesting that resistance toward female management and leadership is steeped in complex national history and Japan’s socio-cultural fabric. Considering organizational types on a continuum from ‘traditional-feudal’ (not open to gender integration in leadership and management roles) to ‘evolving-open’ (where gender integration in leadership and management roles is a possibility), Renshaw (1999) suggested that female managers in Japan are people in transition. Japan’s capability, with respect to internalizing and managing this social shift, represents an important challenge. Although female management participation is currently an exception in Japan, especially in large organizations, this likely represents a pending early-phase, socio-cultural shift. Staley (2002) suggested that this shift may be required in order for Japan to economically navigate the early twenty-first century. Adler and Israeli (1994) emphasized that economic and demographic conditions present in Japan are expected to continue to be important drivers for bringing females more actively into the workforce and into management roles. Several foreign firms operating in Japan have noted the lower management participation rates among women, and are making attempts to alter the gender mix in their organizations. For example, Hewlett-Packard has developed special management mentoring programs for women to help increase the number of female managers in their Japanese regional offices. While these focused efforts tend to be viewed as the exception, they could also be indicative of an emergent shift driven by previously identified socio-economic realities (e.g., aging population and low birth rates, laws encouraging female worker rights and participation, increased interest among women in Japan for management roles, and increased university education rates for women). Culture A cultural system can be defined as people sharing similar beliefs, customs, categorization, norms, and ‘mental programming’ (Hofstede 1997), encapsulating a group’s characteristic way of perceiving its social environment. Definitions of culture typically involve human made elements, shared through communication, increasing the probability for survival, and resulting in greater satisfaction for those in the community. Culture is to a region or people what personality is to individuals, and includes the objective (e.g., food, artifacts, and clothing) as well as the subjective (e.g., attitudes, beliefs, and values). Hofstede (1980) proposed that cultures differ based on four dimensions: uncertainty avoidance; power distance; individualism-collectivism; and masculinity-femininity. The Hofstede (1980) cultural framework, while remaining a relevant platform for examination of management phenomena, is not the only framework available (e.g. Schwartz 1994; Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner 1998; House, Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman and Gupta 2004) and has not escaped some valid critique (e.g., McSweeney 2002). While all of the proposed cultural dimensions arguably play roles in shaping national perceptions toward women in the workforce, it may be the masculinity-femininity dimension that most clearly explains the apparent Japanese mindset toward this issue.

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Masculinity-femininity, a multi-dimensional and complex cultural construct, is related to a society’s attitude toward the strength of traditional gender roles and perspectives on material success and assertiveness. Both of these aspects were investigated in the GLOBE study of 62 societies (House et al. 2004), under the terms ‘gender egalitarianism’ and ‘assertiveness’. Masculine, or low gender egalitarian, cultures tend to have strong attitudes toward traditional roles for men and women in society. Strongly feminine cultures (e.g., Sweden) are typically more accommodating toward the shifting of traditional gender roles (e.g., working mothers and stay-at-home fathers). Hofstede (1997) listed Japan as a relatively strongly masculine culture, and House et al. (2004) found that Japan ranked fortieth of 62 cultures, in terms of gender egalitarianism. Both of these results suggest lower acceptance and slower transition toward the integration of women into a traditionally male dominated workforce, particularly with respect to management positions. This is consistent with the current situation in Japan. The extent to which this situation is culture-bound highlights a challenge, because changes in this regard will require a shift of social values. As core aspects of culture, societal values are extremely challenging to change (Hofstede 1997). Even in societies like Japan, which support crucial economic decision-making roles in the family, these traditional roles do not necessarily translate to power within organizations (Adler and Israeli 1994). However, Japan does have a record of being able to accomplish dynamic socioeconomic shift in the face of macro challenges and global competition (Abegglen and Stalk 1985). Renshaw (1999) observed the very gradual, but noticeable, integration of non-Japanese women into the management ranks of some organizations with offices in Japan, as well as the emergence of a few successful female Japanese entrepreneurs. In a study by House et al. (2004), Japanese middle managers expressed the opinion that Japan should move toward a more gender egalitarian society. Gelb (2000) noted rising rates of female enrollment in four-year universities in Japan, while Adler and Israeli (1994) related the increased educational achievement to stronger female workforce participation. Such societal shifts, born from global interaction and competition, have been described as ‘crossvergence,’ whereby organizations and cultures are capable of shifting specific practices and values while retaining others (Ralston, Holt, Terpstra and Kai-Cheng 1997; Kelley, MacNab and Worthley 2006). Herzberg motivation theory Gender In management research, motivation has been defined as inputs that initiate, direct, and maintain movement toward desired work behaviors (Campbell and Pritchard 1976; Pinder 1998). Motivation can also be viewed as the willingness to exert high levels of effort to reach organizational goals, moderated by the ability to satisfy needs, desires, or wants. Recognized as the driver for arousal, direction, magnitude, and maintenance of job-related effort (Katzell and Thompson 1990), motivation is dependent upon contextual (e.g., occupational socialization), cultural, and individual influences. Herzberg’s motivation-hygiene, or two-factor, theory explains that intrinsic factors are related to job satisfaction and motivation, while the lack of extrinsic elements is linked to job dissatisfaction (Herzberg, Mausner and Snyderman 1959). Hygiene (or extrinsic) factors are elements that help to eliminate job dissatisfaction, or when present, allow the gateway for actual motivation to open; they are generally viewed as being ‘external’ to the actual work. Motivators (intrinsic elements) increase job satisfaction, and are generally related to the work itself, but typically cannot be realized before basic hygiene elements.

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Herzberg’s argument is that only intrinsic factors (e.g., challenge of the work, personal growth, and importance of contribution) can actually create high levels of motivation. Extrinsic factors (e.g., working conditions, compensation, and company image) do not actually motivate employees; however, not paying attention to these elements may lead to sub-optimal devotion to one’s work (Park, Lovrich and Soden 1988). Wiley (1997) observed that overlapping can exist between these categorizations. Studies have used the Herzberg two-factor motivation model in several national contexts. Hines (1973) examined the theoretical structure in New Zealand, while Park et al. (1988) found empirical support for the model using a Korean sample. More broadly, Huang and Van De Vliert (2003) used the extrinsic/intrinsic structure to examine the both cultural and socio-economic influences on worker motivation. Brislin et al. (2004) found that the Herzberg model can be applied in the Japanese context; this provides a basis for our use of the approach for a comparative, gender-focused examination of motivation in Japan. Management theory and research provide a rich body of work related to motivation and its effect in the work environment. Examples include early management thought on the humane treatment of workers’ leading to a more productive work environment (Owen 1825) and motivation research (Munsterberg 1913) that had created the foundation for modern theory and research that addresses human motivation in relation to life, work, and productivity (Maslow 1954; Herzberg et al. 1959; McGregor 1960; McClelland 1961; Katz 1964; House 1971; Herzberg 1982). The Herzberg model provides a useful avenue for examining group differences related to workplace motivation, because of the model’s delineation among types of ‘motivators’. The model is both process- and content-oriented. The former suggests that certain base elements (i.e., extrinsic or hygiene) must first be met before progression to actual motivation begins, and the latter suggests that sub-components and larger categories (i.e., extrinsic and intrinsic) can be identified and measured (Brislin, McNab and Bechtold 2004). While the two factor motivational approach is supported by scholars, it is not immune from criticism (Maidani 1991; Wiley 1997), and there have been calls for validation of the model in non-Western contexts. The model has been selected for the present study, because of its theoretical soundness, measurability, and prior validation of its structure. Our data also provide an opportunity to examine the validity of the model in a non-Western context. Ebrahimi (1999) identified gender as an important consideration in the area of workplace motivation, and Aycan (2001) called for more research into gender influences on work motivation. The Osteraker (1999) model of the dynamic triangle of motivation posits a relation among culture, organizational culture, and individual characteristics in shaping perspectives of motivation. Because gender is an important personal characteristic, this model provides a theoretical platform from which to examine gender-related issues in motivation. Based on both theory and previous research (e.g., Hofstede 1997; Ebrahimi 1999; Osteraker 1999; Brislin et al. 2004), we expect that women’s perspectives on workplace motivation will differ significantly from those of men, considering both intrinsic and extrinsic aspects of motivation. Therefore: Hypothesis 1: Males and females in Japan express different propensities related to intrinsic motivation. Hypothesis 2: Males and females in Japan express different propensities related to extrinsic motivation. While we expect to observe distinctions between the motivations of male and female employees in Japan, we anticipate that both genders will focus more on intrinsic than

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extrinsic motivation. Huang and Van De Vliert (2003) indicated that workers in wealthier countries with established social welfare systems demonstrate a stronger focus on intrinsic motivators for job satisfaction. While extrinsic, or hygiene factors, constitute a fundamental requirement for motivation, Japan’s advanced economic development suggests that most employees should have their basic hygiene factors addressed in an effective manner. Therefore, we expect that workers in large Japanese firms will focus more on higher-order motivational considerations. Thus: Hypothesis 3: Male workers in Japan place greater importance on intrinsic motivators than extrinsic (hygiene) elements. Hypothesis 4: Female workers in Japan place greater importance on intrinsic motivators than extrinsic (hygiene) elements. Management vs. employees Herzberg’s motivation-hygiene theory posits that effective management depends on understanding what motivates workers (motivators or intrinsic factors), as well as what eliminates job dissatisfaction (hygiene or extrinsic factors). There is empirical support for the notion that a two-dimensional understanding of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation is necessary for sound management practice (Basadur 1992; Luo 1999). By understanding these dynamics better, an organization can craft a balance to benefit from increased worker productivity (Utley, Westbrook and Turner 1997), higher morale (Wiley 1997), increased creativity (Basadur 1992), and improved employee quality of life (Luo 1999; Aycan 2001). Because effective management of workplace motivation has positive implications for employee well-being and organizational effectiveness, it can generate competitive advantage for a firm. Although Japan has encountered recent economic challenges, its growth, industrial development, and competitive success during the second half of the twentieth century are well-documented. For example, implementation of total quality management and justin-time production helped many Japanese companies achieve excellent results; such approaches require management to understand how to motivate employees. However, recent research indicates a gap between management and workers with respect to perceptions of employee motivation (Kovach 1987; Morse 2003). There is evidence that the gap may be exacerbated when gender is considered. Ebrahimi (1999) noted that there is room for greater managerial understanding of the needs and motivations of female workers in many national settings. In the Japanese context, Joshi and Chosa (1995) identified unfavorable corporate attitudes toward potential female employees. Ogasawara (1998) described subversion tactics, including the circulation of humiliating gossip and other acts of resistance, used by frustrated women, in retaliation toward the organization and male managers who fail to establish a satisfactory work environment. Examining motivation among knowledge workers within the Japanese financial service industry, Kubo and Saka (2002) found a mismatch between factors that motivate workers (e.g., monetary incentives, human resource development, and job autonomy) and what the management system provides. Previous research, combined with the expected lower level of gender nuance with respect to motivation for the Japanese workforce, gives rise to the following hypotheses: Hypothesis 5: Managerial perceptions regarding intrinsic workforce motivation differ from those of female workers in Japan. Hypothesis 6: Managerial perceptions regarding extrinsic workforce motivation differ from those of female workers in Japan.

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The hypotheses are tested using data from a survey undertaken in cooperation with PricewaterhouseCoopers Global Human Resource Solutions (GHRS) in Tokyo. Target respondents were employed at firms located in the Greater Tokyo Metropolitan area with at least 500 employees, operating in a wide range of industries: manufacturing; service; financial; transportation; construction; wholesale/retail; utilities (electricity, gas, and water); and mining. The web-enabled survey, conducted in 2002, yielded a total of 623 respondents: 209 from managerial ranks (i.e., kacho and bucho levels) and 414 from employee levels. Table 1 shows the descriptive statistics for the sample. Male respondents dominate both the managerial and employees subsamples (98.1% and 74.6%, respectively), and managers are generally older than employees in the sample; these demographics are fairly typical of Japanese organizations (Ogasawara 1998). The sample contains a relatively even distribution of company sizes, based on numbers of employees, and the core sectors of manufacturing, general services, and the banking/finance/insurance are well-represented. Analysis using 95% confidence intervals for proportions demonstrates that the managers and employees samples have similar distributions for both company size and industry. Instrument In keeping with the Herzberg model, the Japanese language questionnaire was designed to investigate extrinsic and intrinsic motivators. Managers and employees used the same sets of items, with employees asked to assess each item’s importance as a potential motivator or incentive on a personal level and managers asked to assess the items with respect to their expected impact on employees. Importance assessments were made using a sevenpoint Likert scale with 1 ¼ Not at all and 7 ¼ Extremely high.
Table 1. Descriptive statistics for respondents. Managers n ¼ 209 Number 205 4 5 37 116 51 31 43 78 57 87 39 25 10 23 25 Proportion (%) 98.1 1.9 2.4 17.7 55.5 24.4 14.8 20.6 37.3 27.3 41.6 18.7 12.0 4.8 11.0 12.0 Gender Male Female Age Under 30 30-39 40-49 50 and over Company size Under 1000 1000-2000 2001-10000 Over 10000 Industry Manufacturing Services Financial Transportation Construction Other Employees n ¼ 414 Number 309 105 136 213 56 9 93 77 133 111 175 89 40 36 32 42 Proportion (%) 74.6 25.4 32.8 51.4 13.5 2.2 22.5 18.6 32.1 26.8 42.3 21.5 9.7 8.7 7.7 10.1

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The 16 motivation-related items in the survey instrument are evenly split between intrinsic and extrinsic motivators. The specific items are based, a priori, on the Herzberg et al. (1959) two-factor motivation theory, and adapted to the Japanese cultural and linguistic requirements by academics in cooperation with PricewaterhouseCoopers GHRS directors and consultants. For example, ‘Growth prospects of the company’ and ‘Company brand’ were not original Herzberg items, but were felt to be potentially important motivators in the Japanese context. The wording of the items was reviewed by both English- and Japanese-speaking collaborators to ensure equivalence of meaning with the Herzberg framework; see Appendix for English translations of the key items. This research instrument has been used previously in an examination of workplace motivation in Japan, with the two factor structure demonstrating divergent and convergent validity, and good reliability (Brislin et al. 2005). For this sample, both categories of measures demonstrate acceptable levels of reliability, with overall Cronbach a coefficients of 0.81 (intrinsic) and 0.78 (extrinsic). Various subsamples (e.g., managers, employees, men, and women) demonstrate similar reliabilities for both sets of motivations. Table 2 shows descriptive statistics and comparisons of means, for each of the 16 items stratified by role (i.e., managers and employees) and, for the employee subsample, gender. Analysis A multi-method approach is adopted for testing the hypotheses, using both the 16 individual motivation items and two factors calculated as the means of the intrinsic and extrinsic items, respectively. Both the full sample and the sub-sample of employees are used to test Hypotheses 1 and 2, which posit gender-associated differences with respect to intrinsic and extrinsic motivations. Comparing the mean factor scores using ANOVA (Table 3) reveals a significant ( p , 0.05) difference only with respect to extrinsic motivation, which women rate, on average, more highly than men in both the full sample and the sample of employees. Thus, Hypothesis 2 receives support, while Hypothesis 1 does not. Cross-tabulations of the individual items, by gender, provide some additional insight. Consistent with the lack of significance using the intrinsic factor score, only one item associated with intrinsic motivation displays a significant difference in the distribution of responses between men and women. Women tend to rate the company’s growth prospects as somewhat less of a motivation, relative to the men in the sample. In contrast, four of the eight extrinsic motivation items are characterized by significant differences (at least 90% confidence) in the distributions, with women tending to provide higher assessments for interpersonal relationships, company policy and administration, and fair evaluation, and fewer low assessments than men for company policy and administration. Hypotheses 3 and 4 are tested using the subset of employee-level respondents. The expectation that both male and female employees rate intrinsic motivations more highly than extrinsic ones is assessed by comparing paired individual values for the intrinsic and extrinsic factors. Two analyses are conducted: paired difference t tests and the nonparametric Wilcoxon signed ranks test; the analyses are summarized in Table 4. Both approaches yield identical decisions, providing evidence that male employees place significantly more emphasis on intrinsic motivations ( p , 0.01), while female employees do not. Thus, Hypothesis 3 receives strong support, and Hypothesis 4 receives none. Cross-tabulation analysis of individual questions suggests that these results represent a broad trend, rather than being driven by specific items. The three significant distributional

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Table 2. Descriptive statistics for motivation items. Stratified by Role (full sample) Managers n ¼ 209 ** ** Employees n ¼ 414 Difference in means? b Males n ¼ 309 Females n ¼ 105 Stratified by Gender (employees only) Difference in means? b *

Item

5.69 (6) 1.0 5.71 (6) 0.95 5.41 (6) 1.04 5.16 (5) 0.98 6.07 (6) 0.97 5.03 (5) 1.11 6.04 (6) 0.90 5.54 (6) 1.06 * † ** †

5.37 (5) 5.36 (5) 5.30 (5) 5.29 (5) 5.97 (6) 4.89 (5) 5.84 (6) 5.63 (6)

1.14 1.24 1.25 1.14 0.97 1.34 1.02 1.06

5.44 (6) 5.37 (5) 5.27 (5) 5.28 (5) 5.97 (6) 4.89 (5) 5.80 (6) 5.58 (6)

1.15 1.28 1.28 1.18 0.98 1.37 1.04 1.06

5.18 5.34 5.39 5.30 5.97 4.91 5.97 5.78

(5) (5) (6) (5) (6) (5) (6) (6)

1.10 1.12 1.16 1.03 0.94 1.24 0.96 1.03

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† ** ** †

Intrinsic motivations 1: Company’s growth prospects 2: Job advancement 3: Amount of responsibility 4: Challenging work 5: Sense of achievement 6: Company brand 7: Work/job recognition 8: Self-growth Extrinsic motivations 9: Interpersonal relationship 10: Quality of supervision and leadership 11: Company policy and administration 12: Employee empowerment 13: Job security 14: Salary 15: Working conditions 16: Fair evaluation 5.05 (5) 5.38 (5) 5.30 (5) 5.34 (5) 4.76 (5) 5.80 (6) 4.70 (5) 5.80 (6) * b 1.13 1.02 1.10 1.09 1.28 1.04 1.16 1.01

5.24 (5) 5.42 (5) 4.99 (5) 5.18 (5) 4.80 (5) 5.91 (6) 4.96 (5) 5.82 (6)

1.26 1.18 1.30 1.16 1.29 1.11 1.22 1.03

5.12 (5) 5.33 (5) 4.99 (5) 5.19 (5) 4.72 (5) 5.90 (6) 4.91 (5) 5.76 (6)

1.23 1.20 1.29 1.12 1.30 1.13 1.22 1.02

5.60 5.69 4.99 5.14 5.01 5.94 5.12 5.99

(6) (6) (5) (5) (5) (6) (5) (6)

1.28 1.06 1.35 1.27 1.25 1.04 1.19 1.04

*

Notes: Mean is shown first, with median in parentheses; standard deviation is on second line. Means are compared using one-way ANOVA; † p , .10, * p , .05, ** p , .01.

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Table 3. Comparisons of means for intrinsic and extrinsic factors. Factor Intrinsic Extrinsic Males (all) n ¼ 514 5.50 (0.74) 5.25 (0.73) Females (all) n ¼ 109 5.49 (0.67) 5.43 (0.77) Managers n ¼ 209 5.58 (0.68) 5.27 (0.71) Female employees n ¼ 105 5.48 (0.68) 5.44 (0.78)

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Difference? *

Notes: Mean is shown first, with standard deviation in parentheses. Means are compared using one-way ANOVA; † p , .10, * p , .05, ** p , .01.

differences associated with extrinsic motivations all imply that female employees tend to attribute greater importance to these items than their male counterparts. Hypotheses 5 and 6, which posit differences between managers and female employees with respect to both intrinsic and extrinsic motivations, are assessed using ANOVA to compare the factor means and using cross-tabulations to compare distributions of the individual items. As the sample includes only four female managers, the managerial subsample is primarily male managers. At the factor level, Table 3 shows that, while Hypothesis 5 is not supported, Hypothesis 6 is, with female employees giving extrinsic motivations higher ratings, on average, than managers ( p , 0.10). The above analyses are bivariate in nature. In order to obtain more holistic insights into motivation based on this sample, logistic regressions are estimated for each of the 16 motivation items; see Tables 5 and 6. The dependent variables are constructed by grouping the two highest response categories and the remaining five, for each item. The explanatory variables include dummy variables for employees vs. managers, women vs. men, and various industries, along with the respondent’s age and an ordinal variable representing firm size. While the logistic regression models are all characterized by low explanatory power, they do shed some light on motivation in the Japanese context. Consistent with earlier analyses, Hypothesis 2 receives some support, with female respondents’ tending to rate three of the extrinsic motivation items higher than their male counterparts, after controlling for job status, age, firm size, and industry. The relationship between age and motivation appears to be complex. Marginal to the other variables in the models, with advancing participant age is associated with a heightened emphasis on company growth (an intrinsic element) and job security (extrinsic) but also a lower emphasis with other interpersonal relationships (extrinsic) and self-growth (intrinsic). Employees at smaller firms are somewhat more concerned with company brand and employee empowerment, and less concerned with fair evaluation. Relative to the base
Table 4. Intrinsic vs. extrinsic motivations. Male employees n ¼ 309 Mean for Intrinsic (I) Mean for Extrinsic (E) Mean for difference I-E Standard deviation for I-E Minimum I-E Maximum I-E (I-E) , 0 (I-E) ¼ 0 (I-E) . 0 Paired difference t Wilcoxon signed ranks test z
Note: † p , .10, * p , .05, ** p , .01.

Female employees n ¼ 105 5.48 5.44 0.05 0.75 21.63 2.00 45 10 50 0.64 0.56

5.45 5.21 0.21 0.75 22.25 2.50 102 24 183 4.86** 4.94**

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Table 5. Logistic regressions for intrinsic motivation items (full sample). 3: Respon-sibility 4: Challenge 5: Sense of achievement 6: Company brand 7: Work/job recognition 8: Self-growth

1: Company growth

2: Job advancement

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Constant Employee Female Respondent age Firm size Construction/Mining Finance Real estate/Services Transport/Utilities Wholesale/Retail Hosmer-Lemeshow p Nagelkerke R 2 % correct Log-odds

2 0.42 (0.66) 2 0.32 (0.23) 2 0.53* (0.23) 0.03* (0.01) 2 0.04 (0.03) 0.37 (0.32) 2 0.30 (0.29) 2 0.20 (0.23) 0.50 (0.31) 0.12 (0.35) 0.25 0.08 60.0 0.77** 0.00 (0.64) 2 0.09 (0.22) 0.11 (0.23) 0.00 (0.01) 2 0.01 (0.03) 0.18 (0.30) 2 0.23 (0.28) 2 0.34 (0.22) 0.26 (0.30) 0.38 (0.34) 0.15 0.02 54.6 0.36* 0.32 (0.65) 0.31 (0.23) 20.30 (0.23) 20.01 (0.01) 20.05 (0.03) 20.16 (0.30) 0.01 (0.28) 20.29 (0.23) 20.31 (0.31) 0.33 (0.33) 0.66 0.03 58.4 0.50* 1.16 (0.72) 2 0.31 (0.25) 2 0.06 (0.25) 2 0.00 (0.02) 0.02 (0.03) 0.12 (0.34) 0.09 (0.32) 2 0.20 (0.24) 2 0.03 (0.33) 0.25 (0.40) 0.57 0.01 73.2 n/a 0.17 (0.67) 20.13 (0.23) 20.02 (0.24) 20.00 (0.01) 20.06* (0.03) 20.08 (0.30) 20.57† (0.31) 20.38 (0.23) 20.46 (0.32) 20.64† (0.36) 0.21 0.02 64.8 0.68

0.38 (0.65) 2 0.50* (0.22) 2 0.20 (0.23) 0.01 (0.01) 2 0.03 (0.03) 0.10 (0.30) 0.05 (0.28) 2 0.12 (0.22) 2 0.03 (0.30) 0.19 (0.34) 0.73 0.04 55.5 0.45**

1.80* (0.70) 20.73* (0.25) 0.29 (0.25) 20.02 (0.01) 20.01 (0.03) 0.36 (0.34) 0.39 (0.33) 20.15 (0.24) 0.149 (0.33) 0.21 (0.37) 0.08 0.03 69.5 n/a

1.40* (0.649) 2 0.16 (0.22) 0.13 (0.23) 2 0.02† (0.01) 2 0.01 (0.03) 0.02 (0.30) 2 0.36 (0.28) 2 0.15 (0.23) 2 0.02 (0.30) 2 0.32 (0.33) 0.16 0.02 59.7 0.90**

Notes: Dependent variables take the value of 1 for responses of 6 and 7, and 0 otherwise; n ¼ 623 for all models; standard errors in parentheses. Employee ¼ 1, Management ¼ 0; Female ¼ 1, Male ¼ 0; Industry dummies take the value of 1 for the nominated industry and 0 otherwise. Firm size is an ordinal variable, with higher values representing larger firms; † p , .10, * p , .05, ** p , .01.

Table 6. Logistic regressions for extrinsic motivation items (full sample). 13: Job security 14: Salary 0.48 (0.69) 0.08 (0.24) 0.18 (0.25) 0.01 (0.01) 2 0.00 (0.03) 2 0.34 (0.31) 2 0.29 (0.29) 2 0.20 (0.24) 0.58 (0.36) 2 0.04 (0.36) 0.58 0.02 68.1 n/a 2 2.54** (0.71) 0.35 (0.25) 0.47† (0.24) 0.04* (0.01) 2 0.01 (0.03) 2 0.02 (0.32) 2 0.12 (0.32) 2 0.16 (0.26) 0.49 (0.32) 0.48 (0.34) 0.09 0.03 70.9 0.90 15: Working conditions 16: Fair evaluation 2 0.36 (0.73) 2 0.19 (0.67) 0.28 (0.26) 0.06 (0.23) 0.27 (0.24) 0.38 (0.25) 2 0.02 (0.02) 0.01 (0.01) 0.01 (0.03) 0.06* (0.03) 2 0.03 (0.33) 0.19 (0.32) 0.10 (0.30) 2 0.21 (0.29) 2 0.25 (0.25) 2 0.08 (0.23) 2 0.10 (0.32) 0.08 (0.32) 2 0.22 (0.38) 0.15 (0.35) 0.77 0.78 0.03 0.02 71.6 65.2 n/a n/a

10: Quality of 9: Inter-personal supervision 11: Com-pany 12: Employee relationship and leadership policy and admin. empowerment 0.75 (0.65) 2 0.15 (0.22) 0.55* (0.23) 2 0.01 (0.01) 2 0.02 (0.03) 2 0.41 (0.30) 2 0.53† (0.29) 2 0.51* (0.23) 2 0.13 (0.30) 0.06 (0.34) 0.77 0.03 56.2 0.49** 20.61 (0.65) 20.22 (0.23) 0.18 (0.23) 0.02 (0.01) 20.04 (0.03) 0.02 (0.30) 20.10 (0.28) 20.52* (0.24) 0.16 (0.30) 0.19 (0.33) 0.04 0.04 60.0 0.66** 20.14 (0.66) 20.23 (0.23) 0.13 (0.23) 0.01 (0.01) 20.06† (0.03) 0.22 (0.30) 0.01 (0.28) 20.68* (0.24) 0.11 (0.30) 0.24 (0.33) 0.36 0.04 60.0 0.69**

The International Journal of Human Resource Management

Constant Employee Female Respondent age Firm size Construction/Mining Finance Real estate/Services Transport/Utilities Wholesale/Retail Hosmer-Lemeshow p Nagelkerke R 2 % correct Log-odds

0.57 (0.67) 2 0.23 (0.23) 0.60** (0.23) 2 0.03* (0.01) 0.02 (0.03) 0.10 (0.30) 2 0.03 (0.30) 2 0.11 (0.23) 0.28 (0.30) 0.29 (0.34) 0.828 0.04 62.4 0.82**

Notes: Dependent variables take the value of 1 for responses of 6 and 7, and 0 otherwise; n ¼ 623 for all models; standard errors in parentheses. Employee ¼ 1, Management ¼ 0; Female ¼ 1, Male ¼ 0; Industry dummies take the value of 1 for the nominated industry and 0 otherwise. Firm size is an ordinal variable, with higher values representing larger firms; † p , .10, * p , .05, ** p , .01.

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industry category of manufacturing, respondents in real estate and general services are less enticed by three of the eight extrinsic items, while respondents in the finance sector differ from their manufacturing counterparts with respect to one. Discussion and conclusions Among the important economic and social challenges Japan faces in the twenty-first century are its decreasing birthrate and aging population, which are expected to impact workforce shortages. Efficiencies in technology and reductions in unemployment may temporarily alleviate the pending shortage; however, long-term solutions are likely to require some social adjustments. Staley (2002) noted that increased employment participation rates for women in Japan would go a long way toward addressing projected workforce shortages, particularly in large organizations and managerial roles. As women assume more numerous and substantial roles in the Japanese workforce (Gelb 2000; Renshaw 1999), there is a need to develop a deeper understanding about gender-based distinctions with respect to motivation in this context. Japan, a strongly masculine society in the Hofstede (1980) framework, is characterized by strong adherence toward gender roles in society and the workforce (Renshaw 1999). Although there is evidence of some change (Adler and Israeli 1994), substantial challenges remain with respect to robust integration of women into the workforce. In addition to lower employment levels, compared to many other developed economies, Japanese women are subject to one of the largest gender wage gaps in the industrialized world, earning, on average, approximately 66.5% of what their male counterparts earn (Yuasa 2005). In addition, women in Japan continue to be seriously underrepresented in managerial ranks, especially in large companies. This study has examined issues associated with workforce motivation for male and female workers in Japan, using Herzberg’s two-factor model for motivation (intrinsic and extrinsic). Furthermore, Japanese management perception regarding female workforce motivation is examined. In addition to providing support for the applicability of the Herzberg model to a non-US context, our results suggest some gender-related differences with respect to workforce motivation in Japan. Our analysis suggests that the accuracy of managerial views of what motivates Japanese female employees can be improved, particularly in relation to extrinsic elements. While male employees tend to emphasize intrinsic elements over extrinsic ones, females do not make a significant distinction between the two types. However, the women in the sample rate, on average, extrinsic elements as being more important, relative to their male counterparts. Extrinsic elements that appear to be of specific interest to female respondents are relationships with others, fairness, job security, and quality of supervision. Renshaw (1999) noted that the ‘traditional-feudal’ organizational structure in Japan does not typically focus on such elements. Our sample is drawn from organizations with at least 500 employees; such large organizations in Japan often hold especially traditional views regarding female worker participation (Gelb 2000), which may hinder efforts to motivate the increasing number of women in the workforce. Job security and fairness in supervision appear to be particularly critical to female employees in Japan, many of whom are feeling the pressure of balancing career and family, in addition to job-related stresses. The finding that women in the Japanese workplace place high value on relations with others is consistent with the US-based observations of Centers and Bugantal (1966). Our second finding for larger Japanese companies reveals that management perception of what motivates employees does not match the assessments by female employees. This presents the potential for Japanese managers to glean a wide range of potential benefits by understanding what motivates this increasingly important segment of the workforce.

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While no significant differences are found for most of the 16 motivation items, the most obvious mismatches are in the areas of interpersonal relations, job security, and the fairness of evaluation, with female employees’ tending to attribute higher importance than managers. Some Japanese firms may benefit by undertaking initiatives to address issues associated with interpersonal relations and job security for female workers. Based on these results, efforts toward improving interpersonal relationships in the workplace, such as providing easy to access mediation, job rotation, team building, monitoring supervisors’ quality, and providing gender-blind job security, may pay dividends. Some organizations, such as Hewlett-Packard Japan, are moving in this direction, developing programs that provide mentoring to women who show potential for managerial positions (Parker-Woods 2005). Such mentorship programs can help to enhance interpersonal relations and provide training that is likely to improve job security. Our findings suggest that this is a move in the right direction, with respect to facilitating motivation among women in the Japanese workforce. There is a potential dilemma for the Japanese social context, in relation to the combination of low birth rates, an aging population, and increased integration of women into career workforce positions. Not only will this integration require a potentially challenging shift from tradition (Renshaw 1999), but it could actually encourage a further reduction in birth rates. As more women assume long-term, career positions, they may decide to delay or completely postpone childbirth. Providing better job security (e.g., ample maternity leave) and more options for working mothers (e.g., quality at-work childcare) could be useful approaches to balancing the demographic and social concerns (Amaha 1999). Furthermore, there is evidence of a fairly complex relationship between age and some extrinsic and intrinsic factors. With increasing age, the empirical results suggest a deemphasis of self-growth, along with a heightened emphasis on job security. Perhaps aging workers in Japan are more interested in non-work aspects of personal growth, while maintaining a desire for job security, as preparation for their retirement years. This study generates several issues for future research. We have examined perceptions of workplace motivation, as opposed to what respondents actually observe in their work environments. While perception is important for understanding what motivates employees, it would also be interesting to compare the perceptions with the reality of what takes place in organizations. In addition, our sample consists of employees and managers from organizations with at least 500 employees. These results are not necessarily reflective of the large number of smaller firms in Japan (Gelb 2000), which are critical to the economy and understudied in the academic literature. The low participation rate of women in management roles within Japan meant that our sample does not include enough female managers to permit comparative analysis of management perceptions by gender. Future studies, with targeted sampling, may be able to investigate this group of leaders. Last, our respondents are urban and web-savvy; while this certainly represents an important group for consideration, it would be useful to replicate the study with other groups of participants and additional regions in Japan. The applicability of this line of research is not unique to Japan. Other industrialized nations face similar challenges: low birth rate; aging population; and under-participation of women in the workforce. While Japan has a particularly highly educated, yet underutilized, female workforce (particularly with respect to management participation in large companies), other developed nations, including Germany, Spain, Italy, and France, also demonstrate relatively low participation of women in the workforce. As global competition compels economies and organizations to obtain higher levels of workforce productivity, better understanding of what motivates female employees can be expected to increase effectiveness and performance.

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Japan’s transition toward a more engaged female workforce is currently in progress, necessitated by economic and demographic realities (Adler and Israeli 1994). However, the shifting of cultural values is typically a gradual process, which suggests that this transition will take time. In Japan, there are currently signs of both progress (e.g., workplace regulation reforms, rising university education among women, and increased female political representation) and resistance (e.g., persistent social attitudes and continued underrepresentation of females in management). Foreign-owned organizations are part of the change process, as are some smaller, less traditional domestic firms. Renshaw (1999) identified ‘evolving-open’ companies in Japan, characterized, in part, by stronger gender integration. Reforms to labor laws during the past decade also provide signs of change, having ‘made life easier for women’ (Amaha 1999, p. 2). Still, there seems to be room for growth, in terms of both workforce participation by women and implementation of effective initiatives for motivating and cultivating a new generation of female workers and managers in Japan.

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Appendix Description of questionnaire items

1. Growth prospects of the company 2. Job advancement 3. Amount of responsibility 4. Challenging work 5. Sense of achievement 6. Company brand 7. Job recognition/status 8. Self-growth 9. Interpersonal relationships 10. Quality of supervision and leadership 11. Company policy and administration 12. Employee empowerment 13. Job security 14. Salary 15. Working conditions 16. Fair evaluation

The company’s potential to grow continuously in the future, in terms of brand, employee size, profitability, etc. Also, the stability of the company with respect to being in business for a long time. The ability of the employee to grow (in terms of promotion) within the organization. The relative weight or importance of job responsibility being given to the employee. The nature of the work itself; whether it is bringing out the best of the employee or not. The sense of doing something worthwhile; that is, work that is done for the benefit of the greater good or for a worthy cause. The status or name recognition of the company within and/or outside its industry. The status or image of the employee’s job. Relates to the personal development of the employee while in the company. Refers to the health of the relationship of the employee with his/her peers (horizontal) or superiors (vertical). The ability of the employee’s superiors to guide him/her in carrying out the job properly or guiding the organization to a brighter future. The soundness of the organization’s policies and the fairness of its implementation across the entire organization. The ability of the employee to make decisions, when needed, under a certain defined situation and established limits. The company’s assurance for continued employment. The amount of remuneration given to the employees in exchange for services rendered for the company. The physical condition of the workplace, in terms of safety, convenience, provision of proper work equipment, etc. The ability of the organization or managers to evaluate employees fairly based on established performance and evaluation standards, processes, or systems, without regard to race, gender, age, and other discriminatory parameters.

(Note: Translated from Japanese to English)