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Genocide and Human Rights

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The instances of genocide in the late 20th century stand as a testament to how unreliable the nation state can be when inalienable and human rights are concerned. As is shown in the case of Rwanda, non-state actors have taken steps to trample on these rights even when the victim technically has citizenship in a country. Additionally, the nation-state can reinforce the actions of the non-state actors through either sponsorship, or even inaction in the face of genocide. Civil society actors have taken steps to act where the nation-state has failed to do so out of what Ayers identifies as labeling the conflict as internal or a civil war. Ultimately, both Ayers and Power agree that labeling genocide as what it is, and taking other steps outside of raw military force can go a long way in preventing the atrocities of the 20th century. More specifically, since the nation-state alone cannot be trusted to handle these situations, civil society must take steps to better the diplomacy of the nation-state, along with creating an international community that can work together to remedy the problems of human and inalienable rights violations.
In her article “Raising the Cost of Genocide,” Samantha Power examines the historical response to genocide by discussing the ways in which western powers have avoided responsibility for 20th century atrocities. She begins her article by explaining the invention of the word genocide as a word meant to “send shudders down the spines of those who heard it and oblige them to prevent, punish, and even suppress the carnage” . This notion opens up the main point of the article which is that western powers have not been reacting in this way when genocide comes up. The first case that Power points out is the Armenia genocide in the early 20th century. According to Power, the Western powers had knowledge of what Turkey was doing to the Armenian population and called upon the U.S. to use its power to help put a stop to the genocide, but President Wilson chose to maintain U.S. neutrality over intervention . This is an excellent example of how the state becomes an obstacle to human and inalienable rights. More specifically, Wilson put foreign policy objectives before saving human lives, presumably because intervening in Turkey would have been seen as state on state aggression. Power describes a similar situation that took place during the holocaust in which the allies “downplayed the numerous and graphic atrocity reports smuggled out of Nazi-occupied territory or intercepted by Allied intelligence officials”. Power argues that the Allies didn’t want to lose “public support for the war” which again shows the way in which the state puts its interest over protecting people from genocide. Moreover, the post-war trials put the focus on state on state aggression rather than the genocide that took place. Power next examines the cases of genocide in Nigeria, Pakistan, and Burundi; in each case, the U.S. and its allies used “sovereignty as an excuse for refraining from even complaint” . In reality, these nations had some strategic value to the western powers, and Powers argues that this is the reason that these atrocities were largely ignored. Power brings up all of these examples in order to display the way in which western nations have simultaneously denounced the notion of genocide while ignoring it when it manifests around the world.
Power argues that the U.S. is the most important actor in the response to genocide because of the influence that it has in the western world. The problem that arises with this, is that if the U.S. does nothing, then the rest of the world will follow. Power argues that this is especially problematic following 9/11 because the U.S. “will view genocide prevention as a luxury it cannot afford as it sets out to better protect Americans” . That sets genocide prevention back even further than before because now intervening will be judged by whether it is in line with the War on Terror.
One would think that preventing genocide would fall in line with preventing terror, and that Americans would “empathize with the peoples victimized by genocide” . However, the U.S. has shown that it tends to shy away from engaging in a conflict that doesn’t directly serve U.S. interests. Power’s solution to these issues is simply that the U.S. and its allies need to do a better job of using all the diplomatic resources available. She frames the current response as either “doing nothing or sending in the marines,” in which the former has tended to trump the latter in past conflicts. These extreme reactions seem illogical when the U.S. has so many diplomatic tools available.
Power argues that one of the first things that the U.S. needs to do is to actually call genocide what it is. The current trend has been to call genocide civil or tribal war which makes it more likely that the public will shrug the conflict off . This allows officials to remain inactive in conflicts and avoid taking any political costs. Secondly, Power suggests that the U.S. needs to take advantages of the diplomatic tools available such as “threatening its perpetrators with prosecution, demanding expulsion of representatives of genocidal regimes…economic sanctions,” and all of the other small steps that can be taken to create a larger result. In actuality, however, the biggest change that needs to occur is within the American people.
In her next article, “Stopping Genocide and Securing Justice: Learning By Doing,” Power encapsulates how this phenomenon occurs. Specifically, she discusses how the American public is important in determining the actions of state officials. She argues that people in America “refuse to let the magnitude of the atrocities or the moral imperative seep in” . This allows American leaders to ignore genocidal atrocities under the guise of not knowing or not understanding how bad a situation is. Power describes how the government responded differently in the case of Bosnia “because of the noise generated at home” . As shown by other cases of genocide, if the public doesn’t pressure the state, the state will tend to do nothing. Power goes on to discuss one possible solution to the inaction surrounding genocide, criminal tribunals. According to Power, prosecuting those responsible for executing genocide has seven purposes: retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, truth telling, acknowledgement, fairness, and responsibility .
She goes through each of these and explains how they can be useful in the prevention, and aftermath of genocide. Some of the important points include the idea that incapacitation has worked to remove people who undermine the success of these fragile countries. Because they are in jail, they are unable to start another conflict in countries that are trying to recover from war and genocide. Moreover, an international trial allows for these atrocities to be recorded and for the truth to come out regarding the crimes committed. Truth-telling leaves a lesson for future generations to learn from, when they are either confronting new genocidal conflict or creating new policy for the country. Lastly, attributing the responsibility for genocide to individuals rather than groups is necessary in preventing arbitrary retaliation and group hatred. Power argues that it is not enough to simply convict the perpetrators; the courts must also work harder to communicate the developments of the court to the home country. Doing so allows the survivors to see that something is actually being done about the conflict, and it shows how the courts function, which lends to the credibility of the courts .
Power concludes this by relating it to her earlier article: the nation-state is what stands in the way of the courts being as successful as they could be. More specifically, she argues that “building these courts to meet political needs, and to avoid political costs has had a profound influence on the orientation of the courts” . The western nation-states have a strong effect on the way that the court operates and even if a tribunal will even be created. This returns to the idea that the nation-state is always a hindrance to human and inalienable rights because not only has it been shown to allow genocide, but it also constrains justice in the aftermath of it.
Ayers continues this conversation with her article “Sudan's Uncivil War”. In the article she discusses the way in which civil war and internal conflict is used to describe instances of genocide in Africa. According to Ayers, the confljct seen in many countries is not due to civil war or tribal fighting, it is a direct result of centuries of imperialism. Instead of acknowledging this, western nations tend to use internal fighting as a way to do nothing when genocide occurs. Ayers takes the example of Sudan and argues that “civil war in Sudan is commonly portraed according to essentialist differences based on racial, ethnic, or religious antagonisms” . This serves to make western powers feel less responsible for what has happened in the region by placing blame on the local people. Instead of doing this, Ayers argues that there is a need to “understand the process through which group identities are produced, reproduced, and potentially transcended” . Doing so is a more effective way of dealing with conflicts that arise along these divisions that were often created by former colonial powers because it acknowledges the origin of these groups instead of assuming they’ve always existed.
This is extremely important in that it points out one of the biggest excuses that western powers give when contemporary genocide has occurred. If the West shifts the blame away from themselves, then they are able to evade any obligation to intervene. Framing genocide as civil war also allows states to cling to the idea that state sovereignty must be upheld. This outlines the conflict between the nation-state and human rights because it shows how the idea of state sovereignty is used to ignore huma rights abuses occuring around the world. Moreover, the creation of the nation after colonialism is another major reason that Sudan has the conflicts it does. Ayers points out that the nation was created through a struggle between Britain and Egypt forces. In this struggle, Britain rushed the independence of Sudan and reinforced the inequities in the economy of the country . With the north holding all of the economic capital and wealth, the south is left completely dependent on the north. The north uses this to differientiate itself from the south along Arab vs. African lines. These lines are mainly a lasting effect of the British tendency to divide and conquer its colonies. Nevertheless, when the nation was created, the Arab north seized the opportunity to define Sudan as an arab nation, therefore claiming that the Africans of the south did not belong to the nation . This is a classic example of how nation-states are the perpetrators in human rights abuses because they are the ones that create ways to exclude some from citizenship. Once this is done, those people no longer have the protection of the law to fall back on for grievances. They become vulnerable to human rights abuses because the nation-state has become the only way to obtain rights. Ayers argues that in the case of Sudan, “political violence is neither new nor extraordinary nor internal, but rather, crucial and constitutive dimensions of Sudan’s neo-colonial condition” . If this is true, then western nations, especially those who are involved in creating the situation, have a duty to intervene.
Conclusively, both Ayers and Power argue that the nation-state has become a hindrance to the protection of human rights, not only because the state is often the perpetrator, but also other states do not intervene because of political interests. Moreover, Power points out the role that the U.S. plays in determining the worldwide response to genocide and explains how the U.S. historically choses non-intervention. She also explains how the solution to this inaction is for the civil society of the U.S. to take more action to force leaders to do something. Additionally, she argues that civil society should push for action outside of purely military intervention. Ayers adds to this by saying that western powers need to begin acknowledging the origins of many of the current conflicts. Doing so would show that these aren’t civil wars that were destined to happen, but instead are the remnants of western colonization. Separating out this difference and calling genocide what it actually is are only a few of the many steps that need to be taken to advance human rights and prevent genocide.

The instances of genocide in the late 20th century stand as a testament to how unreliable the nation state can be when inalienable and human rights are concerned. As is shown in the case of Rwanda, non-state actors have taken steps to trample on these rights even when the victim technically has citizenship in a country. Additionally, the nation-state can reinforce the actions of the non-state actors through either sponsorship, or even inaction in the face of genocide. Civil society actors have taken steps to act where the nation-state has failed to do so out of what Ayers identifies as labeling the conflict as internal or a civil war. Ultimately, both Ayers and Power agree that labeling genocide as what it is, and taking other steps outside of raw military force can go a long way in preventing the atrocities of the 20th century. More specifically, since the nation-state alone cannot be trusted to handle these situations, civil society must take steps to better the diplomacy of the nation-state, along with creating an international community that can work together to remedy the problems of human and inalienable rights violations.
In her article “Raising the Cost of Genocide,” Samantha Power examines the historical response to genocide by discussing the ways in which western powers have avoided responsibility for 20th century atrocities. She begins her article by explaining the invention of the word genocide as a word meant to “send shudders down the spines of those who heard it and oblige them to prevent, punish, and even suppress the carnage” . This notion opens up the main point of the article which is that western powers have not been reacting in this way when genocide comes up. The first case that Power points out is the Armenia genocide in the early 20th century. According to Power, the Western powers had knowledge of what Turkey was doing to the Armenian population and called upon the U.S. to use its power to help put a stop to the genocide, but President Wilson chose to maintain U.S. neutrality over intervention . This is an excellent example of how the state becomes an obstacle to human and inalienable rights. More specifically, Wilson put foreign policy objectives before saving human lives, presumably because intervening in Turkey would have been seen as state on state aggression. Power describes a similar situation that took place during the holocaust in which the allies “downplayed the numerous and graphic atrocity reports smuggled out of Nazi-occupied territory or intercepted by Allied intelligence officials”. Power argues that the Allies didn’t want to lose “public support for the war” which again shows the way in which the state puts its interest over protecting people from genocide. Moreover, the post-war trials put the focus on state on state aggression rather than the genocide that took place. Power next examines the cases of genocide in Nigeria, Pakistan, and Burundi; in each case, the U.S. and its allies used “sovereignty as an excuse for refraining from even complaint” . In reality, these nations had some strategic value to the western powers, and Powers argues that this is the reason that these atrocities were largely ignored. Power brings up all of these examples in order to display the way in which western nations have simultaneously denounced the notion of genocide while ignoring it when it manifests around the world.
Power argues that the U.S. is the most important actor in the response to genocide because of the influence that it has in the western world. The problem that arises with this, is that if the U.S. does nothing, then the rest of the world will follow. Power argues that this is especially problematic following 9/11 because the U.S. “will view genocide prevention as a luxury it cannot afford as it sets out to better protect Americans” . That sets genocide prevention back even further than before because now intervening will be judged by whether it is in line with the War on Terror.
One would think that preventing genocide would fall in line with preventing terror, and that Americans would “empathize with the peoples victimized by genocide” . However, the U.S. has shown that it tends to shy away from engaging in a conflict that doesn’t directly serve U.S. interests. Power’s solution to these issues is simply that the U.S. and its allies need to do a better job of using all the diplomatic resources available. She frames the current response as either “doing nothing or sending in the marines,” in which the former has tended to trump the latter in past conflicts. These extreme reactions seem illogical when the U.S. has so many diplomatic tools available.
Power argues that one of the first things that the U.S. needs to do is to actually call genocide what it is. The current trend has been to call genocide civil or tribal war which makes it more likely that the public will shrug the conflict off . This allows officials to remain inactive in conflicts and avoid taking any political costs. Secondly, Power suggests that the U.S. needs to take advantages of the diplomatic tools available such as “threatening its perpetrators with prosecution, demanding expulsion of representatives of genocidal regimes…economic sanctions,” and all of the other small steps that can be taken to create a larger result. In actuality, however, the biggest change that needs to occur is within the American people.
In her next article, “Stopping Genocide and Securing Justice: Learning By Doing,” Power encapsulates how this phenomenon occurs. Specifically, she discusses how the American public is important in determining the actions of state officials. She argues that people in America “refuse to let the magnitude of the atrocities or the moral imperative seep in” . This allows American leaders to ignore genocidal atrocities under the guise of not knowing or not understanding how bad a situation is. Power describes how the government responded differently in the case of Bosnia “because of the noise generated at home” . As shown by other cases of genocide, if the public doesn’t pressure the state, the state will tend to do nothing. Power goes on to discuss one possible solution to the inaction surrounding genocide, criminal tribunals. According to Power, prosecuting those responsible for executing genocide has seven purposes: retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, truth telling, acknowledgement, fairness, and responsibility .
She goes through each of these and explains how they can be useful in the prevention, and aftermath of genocide. Some of the important points include the idea that incapacitation has worked to remove people who undermine the success of these fragile countries. Because they are in jail, they are unable to start another conflict in countries that are trying to recover from war and genocide. Moreover, an international trial allows for these atrocities to be recorded and for the truth to come out regarding the crimes committed. Truth-telling leaves a lesson for future generations to learn from, when they are either confronting new genocidal conflict or creating new policy for the country. Lastly, attributing the responsibility for genocide to individuals rather than groups is necessary in preventing arbitrary retaliation and group hatred. Power argues that it is not enough to simply convict the perpetrators; the courts must also work harder to communicate the developments of the court to the home country. Doing so allows the survivors to see that something is actually being done about the conflict, and it shows how the courts function, which lends to the credibility of the courts .
Power concludes this by relating it to her earlier article: the nation-state is what stands in the way of the courts being as successful as they could be. More specifically, she argues that “building these courts to meet political needs, and to avoid political costs has had a profound influence on the orientation of the courts” . The western nation-states have a strong effect on the way that the court operates and even if a tribunal will even be created. This returns to the idea that the nation-state is always a hindrance to human and inalienable rights because not only has it been shown to allow genocide, but it also constrains justice in the aftermath of it.
Ayers continues this conversation with her article “Sudan's Uncivil War”. In the article she discusses the way in which civil war and internal conflict is used to describe instances of genocide in Africa. According to Ayers, the confljct seen in many countries is not due to civil war or tribal fighting, it is a direct result of centuries of imperialism. Instead of acknowledging this, western nations tend to use internal fighting as a way to do nothing when genocide occurs. Ayers takes the example of Sudan and argues that “civil war in Sudan is commonly portraed according to essentialist differences based on racial, ethnic, or religious antagonisms” . This serves to make western powers feel less responsible for what has happened in the region by placing blame on the local people. Instead of doing this, Ayers argues that there is a need to “understand the process through which group identities are produced, reproduced, and potentially transcended” . Doing so is a more effective way of dealing with conflicts that arise along these divisions that were often created by former colonial powers because it acknowledges the origin of these groups instead of assuming they’ve always existed.
This is extremely important in that it points out one of the biggest excuses that western powers give when contemporary genocide has occurred. If the West shifts the blame away from themselves, then they are able to evade any obligation to intervene. Framing genocide as civil war also allows states to cling to the idea that state sovereignty must be upheld. This outlines the conflict between the nation-state and human rights because it shows how the idea of state sovereignty is used to ignore huma rights abuses occuring around the world. Moreover, the creation of the nation after colonialism is another major reason that Sudan has the conflicts it does. Ayers points out that the nation was created through a struggle between Britain and Egypt forces. In this struggle, Britain rushed the independence of Sudan and reinforced the inequities in the economy of the country . With the north holding all of the economic capital and wealth, the south is left completely dependent on the north. The north uses this to differientiate itself from the south along Arab vs. African lines. These lines are mainly a lasting effect of the British tendency to divide and conquer its colonies. Nevertheless, when the nation was created, the Arab north seized the opportunity to define Sudan as an arab nation, therefore claiming that the Africans of the south did not belong to the nation . This is a classic example of how nation-states are the perpetrators in human rights abuses because they are the ones that create ways to exclude some from citizenship. Once this is done, those people no longer have the protection of the law to fall back on for grievances. They become vulnerable to human rights abuses because the nation-state has become the only way to obtain rights. Ayers argues that in the case of Sudan, “political violence is neither new nor extraordinary nor internal, but rather, crucial and constitutive dimensions of Sudan’s neo-colonial condition” . If this is true, then western nations, especially those who are involved in creating the situation, have a duty to intervene.
Conclusively, both Ayers and Power argue that the nation-state has become a hindrance to the protection of human rights, not only because the state is often the perpetrator, but also other states do not intervene because of political interests. Moreover, Power points out the role that the U.S. plays in determining the worldwide response to genocide and explains how the U.S. historically choses non-intervention. She also explains how the solution to this inaction is for the civil society of the U.S. to take more action to force leaders to do something. Additionally, she argues that civil society should push for action outside of purely military intervention. Ayers adds to this by saying that western powers need to begin acknowledging the origins of many of the current conflicts. Doing so would show that these aren’t civil wars that were destined to happen, but instead are the remnants of western colonization. Separating out this difference and calling genocide what it actually is are only a few of the many steps that need to be taken to advance human rights and prevent genocide.

The instances of genocide in the late 20th century stand as a testament to how unreliable the nation state can be when inalienable and human rights are concerned. As is shown in the case of Rwanda, non-state actors have taken steps to trample on these rights even when the victim technically has citizenship in a country. Additionally, the nation-state can reinforce the actions of the non-state actors through either sponsorship, or even inaction in the face of genocide. Civil society actors have taken steps to act where the nation-state has failed to do so out of what Ayers identifies as labeling the conflict as internal or a civil war. Ultimately, both Ayers and Power agree that labeling genocide as what it is, and taking other steps outside of raw military force can go a long way in preventing the atrocities of the 20th century. More specifically, since the nation-state alone cannot be trusted to handle these situations, civil society must take steps to better the diplomacy of the nation-state, along with creating an international community that can work together to remedy the problems of human and inalienable rights violations.
In her article “Raising the Cost of Genocide,” Samantha Power examines the historical response to genocide by discussing the ways in which western powers have avoided responsibility for 20th century atrocities. She begins her article by explaining the invention of the word genocide as a word meant to “send shudders down the spines of those who heard it and oblige them to prevent, punish, and even suppress the carnage” . This notion opens up the main point of the article which is that western powers have not been reacting in this way when genocide comes up. The first case that Power points out is the Armenia genocide in the early 20th century. According to Power, the Western powers had knowledge of what Turkey was doing to the Armenian population and called upon the U.S. to use its power to help put a stop to the genocide, but President Wilson chose to maintain U.S. neutrality over intervention . This is an excellent example of how the state becomes an obstacle to human and inalienable rights. More specifically, Wilson put foreign policy objectives before saving human lives, presumably because intervening in Turkey would have been seen as state on state aggression. Power describes a similar situation that took place during the holocaust in which the allies “downplayed the numerous and graphic atrocity reports smuggled out of Nazi-occupied territory or intercepted by Allied intelligence officials”. Power argues that the Allies didn’t want to lose “public support for the war” which again shows the way in which the state puts its interest over protecting people from genocide. Moreover, the post-war trials put the focus on state on state aggression rather than the genocide that took place. Power next examines the cases of genocide in Nigeria, Pakistan, and Burundi; in each case, the U.S. and its allies used “sovereignty as an excuse for refraining from even complaint” . In reality, these nations had some strategic value to the western powers, and Powers argues that this is the reason that these atrocities were largely ignored. Power brings up all of these examples in order to display the way in which western nations have simultaneously denounced the notion of genocide while ignoring it when it manifests around the world.
Power argues that the U.S. is the most important actor in the response to genocide because of the influence that it has in the western world. The problem that arises with this, is that if the U.S. does nothing, then the rest of the world will follow. Power argues that this is especially problematic following 9/11 because the U.S. “will view genocide prevention as a luxury it cannot afford as it sets out to better protect Americans” . That sets genocide prevention back even further than before because now intervening will be judged by whether it is in line with the War on Terror.
One would think that preventing genocide would fall in line with preventing terror, and that Americans would “empathize with the peoples victimized by genocide” . However, the U.S. has shown that it tends to shy away from engaging in a conflict that doesn’t directly serve U.S. interests. Power’s solution to these issues is simply that the U.S. and its allies need to do a better job of using all the diplomatic resources available. She frames the current response as either “doing nothing or sending in the marines,” in which the former has tended to trump the latter in past conflicts. These extreme reactions seem illogical when the U.S. has so many diplomatic tools available.
Power argues that one of the first things that the U.S. needs to do is to actually call genocide what it is. The current trend has been to call genocide civil or tribal war which makes it more likely that the public will shrug the conflict off . This allows officials to remain inactive in conflicts and avoid taking any political costs. Secondly, Power suggests that the U.S. needs to take advantages of the diplomatic tools available such as “threatening its perpetrators with prosecution, demanding expulsion of representatives of genocidal regimes…economic sanctions,” and all of the other small steps that can be taken to create a larger result. In actuality, however, the biggest change that needs to occur is within the American people.
In her next article, “Stopping Genocide and Securing Justice: Learning By Doing,” Power encapsulates how this phenomenon occurs. Specifically, she discusses how the American public is important in determining the actions of state officials. She argues that people in America “refuse to let the magnitude of the atrocities or the moral imperative seep in” . This allows American leaders to ignore genocidal atrocities under the guise of not knowing or not understanding how bad a situation is. Power describes how the government responded differently in the case of Bosnia “because of the noise generated at home” . As shown by other cases of genocide, if the public doesn’t pressure the state, the state will tend to do nothing. Power goes on to discuss one possible solution to the inaction surrounding genocide, criminal tribunals. According to Power, prosecuting those responsible for executing genocide has seven purposes: retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, truth telling, acknowledgement, fairness, and responsibility .
She goes through each of these and explains how they can be useful in the prevention, and aftermath of genocide. Some of the important points include the idea that incapacitation has worked to remove people who undermine the success of these fragile countries. Because they are in jail, they are unable to start another conflict in countries that are trying to recover from war and genocide. Moreover, an international trial allows for these atrocities to be recorded and for the truth to come out regarding the crimes committed. Truth-telling leaves a lesson for future generations to learn from, when they are either confronting new genocidal conflict or creating new policy for the country. Lastly, attributing the responsibility for genocide to individuals rather than groups is necessary in preventing arbitrary retaliation and group hatred. Power argues that it is not enough to simply convict the perpetrators; the courts must also work harder to communicate the developments of the court to the home country. Doing so allows the survivors to see that something is actually being done about the conflict, and it shows how the courts function, which lends to the credibility of the courts .
Power concludes this by relating it to her earlier article: the nation-state is what stands in the way of the courts being as successful as they could be. More specifically, she argues that “building these courts to meet political needs, and to avoid political costs has had a profound influence on the orientation of the courts” . The western nation-states have a strong effect on the way that the court operates and even if a tribunal will even be created. This returns to the idea that the nation-state is always a hindrance to human and inalienable rights because not only has it been shown to allow genocide, but it also constrains justice in the aftermath of it.
Ayers continues this conversation with her article “Sudan's Uncivil War”. In the article she discusses the way in which civil war and internal conflict is used to describe instances of genocide in Africa. According to Ayers, the confljct seen in many countries is not due to civil war or tribal fighting, it is a direct result of centuries of imperialism. Instead of acknowledging this, western nations tend to use internal fighting as a way to do nothing when genocide occurs. Ayers takes the example of Sudan and argues that “civil war in Sudan is commonly portraed according to essentialist differences based on racial, ethnic, or religious antagonisms” . This serves to make western powers feel less responsible for what has happened in the region by placing blame on the local people. Instead of doing this, Ayers argues that there is a need to “understand the process through which group identities are produced, reproduced, and potentially transcended” . Doing so is a more effective way of dealing with conflicts that arise along these divisions that were often created by former colonial powers because it acknowledges the origin of these groups instead of assuming they’ve always existed.
This is extremely important in that it points out one of the biggest excuses that western powers give when contemporary genocide has occurred. If the West shifts the blame away from themselves, then they are able to evade any obligation to intervene. Framing genocide as civil war also allows states to cling to the idea that state sovereignty must be upheld. This outlines the conflict between the nation-state and human rights because it shows how the idea of state sovereignty is used to ignore huma rights abuses occuring around the world. Moreover, the creation of the nation after colonialism is another major reason that Sudan has the conflicts it does. Ayers points out that the nation was created through a struggle between Britain and Egypt forces. In this struggle, Britain rushed the independence of Sudan and reinforced the inequities in the economy of the country . With the north holding all of the economic capital and wealth, the south is left completely dependent on the north. The north uses this to differientiate itself from the south along Arab vs. African lines. These lines are mainly a lasting effect of the British tendency to divide and conquer its colonies. Nevertheless, when the nation was created, the Arab north seized the opportunity to define Sudan as an arab nation, therefore claiming that the Africans of the south did not belong to the nation . This is a classic example of how nation-states are the perpetrators in human rights abuses because they are the ones that create ways to exclude some from citizenship. Once this is done, those people no longer have the protection of the law to fall back on for grievances. They become vulnerable to human rights abuses because the nation-state has become the only way to obtain rights. Ayers argues that in the case of Sudan, “political violence is neither new nor extraordinary nor internal, but rather, crucial and constitutive dimensions of Sudan’s neo-colonial condition” . If this is true, then western nations, especially those who are involved in creating the situation, have a duty to intervene.
Conclusively, both Ayers and Power argue that the nation-state has become a hindrance to the protection of human rights, not only because the state is often the perpetrator, but also other states do not intervene because of political interests. Moreover, Power points out the role that the U.S. plays in determining the worldwide response to genocide and explains how the U.S. historically choses non-intervention. She also explains how the solution to this inaction is for the civil society of the U.S. to take more action to force leaders to do something. Additionally, she argues that civil society should push for action outside of purely military intervention. Ayers adds to this by saying that western powers need to begin acknowledging the origins of many of the current conflicts. Doing so would show that these aren’t civil wars that were destined to happen, but instead are the remnants of western colonization. Separating out this difference and calling genocide what it actually is are only a few of the many steps that need to be taken to advance human rights and prevent genocide.

Ayers, Alison. "Sudan's Uncivil War." Review of African Political Economy (2010): 153-171.
Power , Samantha. "Stopping Genocide and Securing Justice: Learning By Doing." Social Research (2002): 1093-1107.
Power, Samantha. "Ghosts of Kosovo." Time Magazine 3 March 2008.
—. "Raising the Cost of Genocide." Dissent (2002): 85-95.
—. "The Misreading of Milosevic." The New Republic 3 May 1999: 24-28.

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...Genocide: Inhumanity in Our World Genocide is one of the evilest moral crimes any ruling authority can commit to a specific group of people. People have learned from past mistakes that we can put an end to the eradication of a group. Major powers can influence the change of genocide and can be resolved. We know the signs, but can the problem of Genocide be resolved in the world? Firstly, Genocide has been experienced numerous times throughout the course of history. Paraphrasing from Document B, “After the horrors of the Holocaust were revealed, the mantra (slogan) of the time became “never again”.” This exemplifies that humanity is willing to do whatever it takes to prevent another disastrous genocide such as those of the Jews (1933-1945), Gypsies (1899-1944), Cambodians...

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Burma Genocide Research Paper

...Fear of the Burma Genocide The Burma Genocide affected over 2 million people. “It is not power that corrupts but fear,” said Aung San Suu, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and protested against the military and government which was in control of Burma at the time. Suu also lead the national league for democracy in May of 1990, which was the first free election in Burma since 1962. The Burma Genocide affected the Karen people who believed in Christianity. The Burma military burned down churches and other religious buildings that were not connected to Buddhism, (the religion that they believed in). Origin 1962 is when Burma’s postcolonial democracy was thrown into a military coup (“Burma << World without genocide - working to create a world without genocide”). Burma has been the center of conflict for it’s severe oppression of human rights. The Burmese military has inflicted counterinsurgency campaigns toward ethnic minorities, which lead to a large amount of death. Counterinsurgency is when the military or political action is taken against the activities of guerrillas or revolutionaries. This caused Burma to be one of the worlds most isolated and suppressed nations for forty years...

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Genocide

...Essay Genocide Genocide was the term that came out after the Nazi’s Holocaust of World War Two, but it was not the first incident of Genocide, or the last. During the Genocide Convention that followed World War Two it was agreed amongst the world leaders that genocide would “never again” occur in the world. Time has shown that this might have been an empty promise however, and this essay will review the laws being implemented by the United Nations to help prevent genocide, arguments about why humans kill, incidents of genocide and how genocide is defined and, of course, the victims of the violent crime known as genocide. Genocide is now defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as “[t]he deliberate and systematic extermination of an ethnic or national group”. The United Nations created a much broader and in depth definition in the Genocide Convention of 1948. They state that genocide is “…any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or part, a national, ethnical or religious group, as such: killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or part; imposing measures to prevent births within the group; forcibly transferring children of the group to another group”. Despite some flaws and loopholes in this definition, it covers the atrocities that occur during genocide quite well. Genocide has occurred...

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...The economy of Cambodia was in poor conditions due to the genocide. It was primarily damaged by the US bombings during the Cold War. “The countryside was littered with as many as 8 million landmines.” (Text 3) The economy lying in irresponsible hands resulted in decrease of food supply and medicine and several thousands of Cambodians deceased because of malnutrition and illness. (Text 2) “In less than four years, between 1.7 million and 2.5 million people died, out of 8 million. Many succumbed to starvation or exhaustion.” (Text 3) The bombings alone caused several deaths. Even though many were forced into labor, it did not serve the country enough to sustain the economy. The genocide did not conclude until Vietnam invaded Cambodia...

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...criminal law entails criminal responsibility of individuals for the commission of criminal acts involving grave breaches of fundamental rights. The international legal system experienced renaissance of ideas, starting from the establishment of Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals, which established individual criminal responsibility for the massive violations of human rights and breaches of the laws of armed conflicts. As mentioned in the Nuremberg judgement: ‘crimes against international law are committed by men, not abstract entities, and only by punishing individuals who commit such crimes can the provisions of international law be enforced... Individuals have international duties which transcend the national obligations of obedience...

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Juvenile

...school until graduation. Teens might also be bored because they don't have positive relationships with teachers and peers. Without social interaction and adult support, teens can grow bored and disengaged with school.The Rwanda genocide will always represent a singular failure on the part of international institutions and mechanisms responsible for protecting human rights and maintaining international peace and security. As Huyse has remarked, when an authoritarian regime collapses, large sections of the population cry out loudly for severe punishment of those who bear responsibility for the crimes of the past. Justice for ordinary crimes aims to right the wrongs that have been done against victims. Justice can then, the theory goes, lead to closure and healing. Assuming it were practically possible and politically expedient to investigate, prosecute and punish each and every crime committed in a campaign of genocide or other mass atrocity, could accountability processes be adequate to meet the needs of victims? Could justice ever come anywhere close to restoring victims of genocide and mass atrocity to the situation that they would have been in but for the events of their victimization? Can justice ever put right the harm that victims of genocide and mass atrocity have been subjected to? Is really it possible for individuals and societies who experienced such horror to reach healing as a result of judicial processes? Of how much value can justice be, when it...

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The Rwandan Genocide

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Review Assignment: Criminology Of Genocide And Atrocities

...For the book review assignment, I chose to read “Crime and Human Punishment: Criminology of Genocide and Atrocities”. I chose this book, because the study of genocide is interesting to me, in learning about why it happens and how to stop it from happening in the future. In regards to the essay, it is going to be broken into three different parts. The first part, which is planned to be about half of the essay, will talk about some about a couple of the major themes of the book. The second part will consist of showing how the book is tied to content we have learned in class. And to wrap up the paper, I will talk about some of the strengths and weaknesses of the book. The first major theme I am going to talk about is the criminology of genocide...

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Genocide In Sudan

...Genocide To call something genocide is controversial because genocide is the deliberate killing off of a particular ethnic group or nation. Although the human race classifies the killing in Sudan a civil war. It actually should be classified as a genocide. The human race has classified killings in Darfur, Sudan as a civil war between the Arabic shepherds, and the African farmers. People believe it is a war over land, and whom should get the profit from the Sudan oil port. It all started because the “ Arabs from the north migrated down south because years of drought destroyed their northern fertile land.” Another reason people believe that the killings in Darfur are classified as a civil war because the islamic government...

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...As the Genocide Convention of 1951 states, the twentieth century was named the “century of genocide” because of the high number of genocides during that time period. They also state that genocide is a mass slaughter with the intent to destroy/exterminate, in a whole or a part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group of people. For the main purpose of this presentation, the Holocaust, the Rwandan genocide and the Armenian genocide will be the three genocides of the 20th century that will help determine the causes of modern genocide by investigating these three events as case studies. There are various reasons why genocide has occurred and it is mostly due to a combination of circumstances that leads to genocide. This presentation will...

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...many violations of human rights. A lot of them have to deal with Article 5. Article 5 states that “No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment” (Universal Declaration of Human Rights). This has been violated repeatedly, including twelve instances that I have read about. These twelve instances are big events that have caused millions of people to suffer. People of North Korea, the southern parts of Africa, Egypt, and even in the United States. You would think that these violations would have at least stopped by the mid-1900s, but they keep happening even through the present day. Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights has been violated through sexual...

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Genocide

...A Summary of the Rwandan Genocide Rwanda: A Brief History of the Country Rwanda’s population of more than 7 million people is divided into three ethnic groups: the Hutu (who made up roughly 85% of the population), the Tutsi (14%) and the Twa (1%). Prior to the colonial era, Tutsis generally occupied the higher strata in the social system and the Hutus the lower. However, social mobility was possible, a Hutu who acquired a large number of cattle or other wealth could be assimilated into the Tutsi group and impoverished Tutsi would be regarded as Hutu. A clan system also functioned, with the Tutsi clan known as the Nyinginya being the most powerful. Throughout the 1800s, the Nyingiya expanded their influence by conquest and by offering protection in return for tribute. Ethnic Conflict Begins The former colonial power, Germany, lost possession of Rwanda during the First World War and the territory was then placed under Belgian administration. In the late 1950’s during the great wave of decolonization, tensions increased in Rwanda. The Hutu political movement, which stood to gain from majority rule, was gaining momentum while segments of the Tutsi establishment resisted democratization and the loss of their acquired privileges. In November 1959, a violent incident sparked a Hutu uprising in which hundreds of Tutsi were killed and thousands displaced and forced to flee to neighboring countries. This marked the start of the so- called ‘Hutu Peasant Revolution’ or ‘social revolution’...

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Rwanda Genocide

...massacres in the history of human kind. More than five hundred thousand people died in this injustice religious war where Tutsi people were exploited brutally throughout the whole country by Hutu people( Des et al, 1994 ). When we examine the issue to find the potential stimuli that trigger the war, we cannot deny the fact that the lack of religious tolerance was the main cause to fuel this massive killing. It can be clearly seen that due to the lack of religious tolerance in between Tutsis and Hutus, one of the massive killing in the human history has raised a bigger question about the status of human rights in Rwanda attention from developed nation’s involvement within the country Under the colonial law established from Belgium and Germany, Rwanda was in overall control of Tutsi people (Des et al, 1994). Under the kingship of King Rwabugiri Hutu people were regarded as one of the mostly hated groups within the country (René et al, 2004). This is how the preparation of the massive massacre began. Despite the effort of Belgium colonialism to maintain balance between Hutu and Tutsi people, the hatred and anger just kept growing. It was plain simple unfair society in Rwanda seeking for right political space in the land. Tutsi meaning “rich in cattle” were overall control and Hutus meaning “servant” were becoming modern day servants (René, 2004).The existing government were in control of Tutsi people who first initiated internationally renowned genocide in 1972 (Linda, 2004).critiques...

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...declared “genocide” by United States Secretary of State Colin Powell”("Darfur Genocide « World Without Genocide - Working to Create a World Without Genocide."). The Darfur Genocide specifically refers to the wiping out of the Darfur race of people in Western Sudan. Starting in 2003 and still happening today, it is the first genocide of the 21st century and could potentially be the worst. By way of recent recognition, the United Nations calls it the greatest crisis in the world; and the United States now calls it genocide. But the damage done to the people of Darfur may already be beyond repair. What’s happening is taking place in Sudan, the largest country in Africa. Where almost 480,000 people...

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