Assignment on
Submitted To:
Afreen Choudhury
Lecturer
Department of Marketing
Faculty of Business Studies
University of Dhaka
How does Overcrowding Affect Human Being?
Department of Marketing
Faculty of Business Studies

University of Dhaka

“Leopards”

Group Profile: SL NO | NAME | ID | 1 | S. M. Fahim Uddin | 20 | 2 | Ariful Islam | 92 | 3 | Shima Akter | 104 | 4 | Imran Hossain | 156 | 5 | Md. Tareq Hossain | 178 |

Definition of overcrowding:
According to the World Health Organization, overcrowding refers to the situation in which more people are living within a single dwelling than there is space for, so that movement is restricted, privacy secluded, hygiene impossible, rest and sleep difficult. The terms crowding and overcrowding are often used interchangeably to refer to the same condition. The effects on quality of life due to crowding may be due to children sharing a bed or bedroom, increased physical contact, lack of sleep, lack of privacy, poor hygiene practices and an inability to care adequately for sick household members. While population density is an objective measure of number of people living per unit area, overcrowding refers to people's psychological response to density. But, definitions of crowding used in statistical reporting and for administrative purposes are based on density measures and do not usually incorporate people’s perceptions of crowding.
The social and psychological effects of overcrowding:
The social and psychological effects of overcrowding can be summarized as follows:
Health effects:
Overcrowding poses serious direct and indirect health risks to all segments of the population, particularly the elderly, young children, and the disabled: * overcrowding results in insufficient ventilation in homes, causing or exacerbating respiratory illness; * susceptibility to disease, the severity of diseases, the spreading of illness, and the mortality due to disease all increase as a result of social and physical overcrowding; * overcrowding exacerbates health risks related to insufficient and poor water supply and poor sanitation systems in the camps; * likelihood of accidents in the home and community increases; * overcrowding physically and emotionally overburdens mothers and other caregivers, increasing health risks of dependents; * lack of space and overcrowding directly impacts on the physicial development and psychological well being of disabled residents. * Social effects of overcrowding:
Overcrowding contributes to far-reaching social problems: * it places a strain on social relations within the home and community; * overcrowding in schools and homes is linked to substandard education and functional illiteracy, and may be related to increased child labour; * it is a ‘push factor’ in the decisions leading to girls’ early marriage (before the age of 18) which, in turn, leads to serious health and social ramifications for women and children; * Overcrowding affects women’s access to social and economic resources; it increases their responsibilities in the home and burdens their time.
Psychological effects of overcrowding:
Direct and indirect psychological effects result from overcrowding: * lack of privacy is linked to depression and other negative psychological outcomes; * overcrowding contributes to psychological frustrations which, in turn, have a bearing on behavioral responses and residents’ ability to cope with the conditions; * Refugees’ perception of options and future prospects is detrimentally affected by overcrowding.

Effects of overcrowding in physical health:
Infectious diseases:
Crowding has been linked to a number of biological mechanisms that can increase both the risk and the intensity of infection. According to one study, crowding increases:
• the risk of multiple infections because the number of potential transmitters is increased
• proximity and hence the risk of disease transmission
• the risk of infection early in life which may lead to more severe infections
• the risk of prolonged exposure and severe disease
• the risk of long-term adverse effects of infections
Colds, asthma, influenza and diarrhea:
Housing conditions, and especially cold and damp, were contributory factors, particularly for some ethnic groups. Kearns et al found that Maori and Pacific households were more likely to identify colds, running noses, flu and asthma symptoms than Pakeha households
Studies in New Zealand (Kearns et al 1992), Jakarta (Clauson-Kaas et al 1997) and England (Martin1976) gathered data through self-report and concluded that coughs, colds, asthma, influenza and diarrhoea are associated with household size and number of children per household. In the study inJakarta, the significant factors for diarrhoea and cough/fever for children under three were:
• total number of persons per room
• children under five per room
• household area in sq m per person
• household area in sq m per children under five.
Meningococcal disease:
Several overseas studies have considered the relationship between meningococcal disease and crowding with inconclusive results. Crowded housing appears to be only one among many factors that contribute to the spread of the disease.
An article in North and Southmagazine (Butcher 1998) asserts, without supporting evidence, that
“overcrowding stands out as a key risk factor, interwoven with low economic status, lack of home heating, climate, season and possibly shared eating/drinking utensils or food”. One scientific study has recently been published relating to crowding and the current outbreak of meningococcal disease in New Zealand. A case control study by the Institute of Environmental Science and Research Ltd for the Ministry of Health and the Health Research Council identified crowding as a major risk factor for the disease (Baker et al 2000).
Tuberculosis:
Studies of the association between tuberculosis and crowding have also produced conflicting results (Martin 1976). Those who do identify a clear association between crowding and tuberculosis (Stein cited in Ranson 1991, Elender et al 1998) warn that poverty, poor nutrition and a poor environment may be confounding variables. Most of the recent studies relating to TB refer to working class housing areas in Britain. For example, the Stein studies cited above were undertaken in Glasgow, while Elender et al studied TB in England and Wales
Helicobacter pylori:
A number of studies in Britain and Ireland have investigated the relationship between Helicobacter pyloriinfection and crowding (Webb et al 1994, Whitaker et al 1993, McCallion et al 1996). H. pylori is an infection which can lead to chronic gastritis, peptic ulcers and in some cases, stomach cancer. All showed positive associations between risk of infection and household density, sharing a bedroom and sharing a bed in childhood, although it was not clear whether sharing a bed was a risk factor independently of crowding. Hwang et al (1999) cite a large follow-up study of men and women for whom data on childhood housing conditions was obtainable (Fall et al 1997). The relationship between H. pylori infection and living in a crowded house was independent of social class.
Hepatitis:
One New Zealand study (Milne et al 1987) has looked at the prevalence of Hepatitis B (HPB) infection in Kawerau. The authors undertook a multiple logistic regression analysis to investigate the association between various factors and HPB markers and children under 15. The authors found that apart from the demographic factors of age, ethnicity and sex, the main risk factors for marker prevalence in children were the number of years spent in Kawerau and having more than five people in the household. Household size ranked fifth out of seven factors analysed. The authors conclude that the finding for size of household is consistent with the suggestion that crowded living conditions may encourage the spread of infection. In Spanish children, crowding seemed to be the main factor that could explain the difference in the prevalence of Hepatitis A virus (Morales et al 1992).

Factors affecting children and child mortality for overcrowding:
Many of the studies described above refer to the relationship between housing and the risk to children of infectious diseases, particularly for those sharing a bed. Other studies look at child health in general, childhood behaviour and child accidents and mortality in relation to housing.
Child health in general:
A number of reports assert a relationship between children’s health and crowding. In support of this view, Ranson (1991) refers to a British national child development study which showed that children in crowded homes were more likely than others to miss school for medical reasons (mainly bronchitis). Others offer little evidence to support their assertion. In 1998, public health nurses in Auckland “confirmed” reports of crowding among 67 percent of the inner-city clients they surveyed but gave no information on how they measured crowding. They also identified poor health among children in the survey sample, with 40 percent being hospitalised before the age of five, and 26 percent being admitted to hospital for infectious diseases. Two-thirds (64 percent) of their respondents said they could not afford to visit a doctor. The report also comments on the “poor condition” of housing. From the information in the report it is impossible to determine whether crowding, the state of the housing or poverty contributed most to the children’s poor health (Mortensen 1988). Childhood behaviour
A number of studies suggest that crowding may be stressful for children, leading to behavioural Problems. These include hyperactive or aggressive behaviour among pre-school children in America (Maxwell 1995), poor academic achievement and conflict between parents and children in India (Evans 1998), and socially deviant behaviour among American young people (Galle, Gove and McPherson 1972 in Mitchell 1976). Maxwell (1995) studied 114 children, all aged four, in day care and Head Start classes in New York. She found that pre-schoolers who lived in crowded homes and went to crowded day care centres suffered more severe behavioural and cognitive development problems than children in just one of those crowded settings.

Childhood accidents and mortality:
Childhood accidents and mortality appear to be more related to social disadvantage than to crowding. Alwash and McCarthy (1988) studied accident rates at home among children under five, for four different ethnic groups. Accidents in the home showed a large and consistent gradient by social class. Accidents to children were significantly more common in shared accommodation than in self-contained accommodation, in accommodation with more than 1.5 people per room and in accommodation rented from the council or housing associations compared with owner-occupied or privately rented housing

Problems of overcrowding:
There are conflicting views on the nature of the relationship between crowding and mental health, although several authors agree with the opinion that “nowadays crowding is seen more as a threat to mental than physical health” (Wilkinson 1999). Wilkinson acknowledges that while overcrowding is associated with psychological symptoms including depression, “the influence of other confounding social and economic problems is agreed to be strong”.
• the number of social contacts increases
• privacy decreases
• the number of unwanted social interactions increases
• parents may be unable to monitor their children’s behaviour
• access to simple goals such as eating or watching television may be frustrated
• activities such as using the bathroom have to be coordinated with others
• sick persons may not receive the care they require
• crowding results in physical withdrawal, psychological withdrawal, a lack of general planning behaviour and a general feeling of being “washed out”
• the experience of crowding is strongly related to poor mental health and to poor social relationships in the home
• the experience of crowding is strongly associated with a number of characteristics of poor child care, although it is only moderately associated with poor interaction between parent and child.

Crowding and psychological distress:
One of the most widely quoted studies is that of Gove, Hughes and Galle (1979) in Chicago. This large cross-sectional study revealed a strong relationship between crowding (persons per room) and poor mental health. The authors developed a series of scales to measure mental health, social relations in the home, physical health and care of children. (They subsequently became engaged in a debate with Booth et al (1980) on the validity of their conceptualizations, but defended their usefulness.)
A factor analysis led Gove et al to conclude that:
• crowding results in physical withdrawal, psychological withdrawal, a lack of general planning behaviour and a general feeling of being “washed out”
• the experience of crowding is strongly related to poor mental health and to poor social relationships in the home
• the experience of crowding is strongly associated with a number of characteristics of poor child care, although it is only moderately associated with poor interaction between parent and child

The mechanisms by which adverse effects occur:
Research suggests that adverse effects may occur through a number of mechanisms, although the
Evidence as to the relative importance of these is inconclusive:
• Children sharing a bed or bedroom
• Physical contact
• Lack of sleep
• Lack of ability to care adequately for sick household members
• Lack of privacy
• More prolonged contact with carriers
• Difficulty in maintaining good hygiene practices.

Standards of overcrowding:
The room standard
Floor space The room standard is contravened when the number of persons sleeping in a dwelling and the number of rooms available as sleeping accommodation is such that two persons of opposite sexes who are not living together as husband and wife must sleep in the same room. For this purpose, children under the age of ten shall be left out of account, and a room is available as sleeping accommodation if it is of a type normally used in the locality either as a bedroom or as a living room.

The WHO accepted standards for floor space are: Area (in sq. metre) | No. of persons | 11 or more | 2 persons | 9 to 10 | 1.5 persons | 7 to 9 | 1 person | 5 to 7 | 0.5 person | Under 5 | Nil |
A baby under 12 months is not counted, and children between 1 to 10 years are counted as half a unit.

Sex separation
Overcrowding is considered to exist if two persons over 9 years of age, not husband and wife, of opposite sexes are obliged to sleep in the same room.
European Union
Eurostat uses a stricter definition of overcrowding, known as 'the Bedroom Standard'. An overcrowded household is defined as one which has fewer rooms than the sum of:[3] * one room for the household; * one room per couple in the household; * one room for each single person aged 18 or more; * one room per pair of single people of the same gender between 12 and 17 years of age; * one room for each single person between 12 and 17 years of age and not included in the previous category; * one room per pair of children under 12 years of age.
For example, a household of a single person living alone is considered overcrowded unless he or she has a living room which is separate from the bedroom (points 1 and 3 apply). However while the Bedroom Standard is generally advocated by policy advocates, statutory space and occupancy standards are usually either less generous, partial (for instance they apply to social housing only) or non-existent

Factors that mediate the likelihood of adverse effects:
Health
Literature on factors that are likely to mediate the adverse effects of crowding is sparse and inconclusive. Clauson-Kaas et al (1997) note that “there has been no study to assess whether it is more important to change crowding or other causal mechanisms in order to improve health.” Wilkinson
(1999) agrees, adding that there have been few longitudinal, as opposed to retrospective, studies exploring the effects of housing interventions on health. The studies she identifies considered the effects of improvements to the physical condition of housing on health, particularly through improving insulation and heating. The studies showed mixed results. None looked particularly at reducing crowding or at the role of education to mitigate disease spread in overcrowded houses.
Efforts to rehouse people may in fact have adverse effects unless economic factors are taken into account (M’Gonigle 1933 in Martin 1976). There is little research into the effects of disrupting social networks. Smith et al (1992) found that providing social support helped alleviate the distress of those exposed to moderate levels of housing stress, including small amounts of space per person, but this did not apply to individuals exposed to high levels of housing stress.
Clauson-Kaas et al (1997) comment that the possibility that crowding could be beneficial should not be dismissed. The stimulation of the immune system, at least from some viral infections, could have a protective effect against other infections, but there is little research in this area. They acknowledge that immunisation campaigns can do much to control the spread of communicable diseases.
Task performance
Literature on the long- and short-term effects of crowding on task performance is also sparse. In an experimental laboratory study, Sherrod (in Altman 1975) concluded that crowding is a form of social stress that does not necessarily impair short-term task performance, perhaps because of adaptive strategies. However, costs may gradually accumulate and eventually affect subsequent functioning. Altman stresses the need for more research in this area to explore which coping strategies are most effective.
Immigration
Myers et al (1996) discuss the strong relationship between crowding, ethnicity and immigration in the United States, noting that “these factors alone explain the lion’s share of the variation across metropolitan areas in overcrowding”. Rates of crowding were particularly high for recent immigrants, and all groups, to differing degrees, moved out of crowded conditions as their financial circumstances improved. As discussed in section 4 below, the pattern appears to be similar in New Zealand, especially among Pacific and some Asian groups.
This pattern suggests that to some extent, crowding is a self-correcting situation. Myers et al (1996) call for more research into the duration of exposure to crowding through longitudinal studies. It may 29

Other issues
Alleviating crowding may occur through a number of mechanisms. It would be useful to carry out research into at-risk groups’ preferred options, such as:
• improving the physical condition of existing housing versus moving to new housing
• adding to existing housing versus moving to new housing
• staying in a familiar neighbourhood or moving to improved housing away from friends and social networks
• staying in a familiar neighbourhood but having access to better health services or other benefits. References: (1) Kempson, E.(1999) Overcrowding in Bangladeshi households – A case study of Tower Hamlets, London, Policy Studies Institute. (2) Altman, I. (1975) The Effects of Crowding and Social Behaviour, Brooks/Cole Publishing Co., California. (3) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Overcrowding