Gender Stratification and Women in Developing Nations
David Benton
SOC/120
March 18, 2011

The purpose of this paper is to analyze gender stratification and its relation to women in Rwanda; also the demographic imbalance in post-genocide Rwanda will be explored. In addition in the following paragraphs the current roles women in Rwanda play in the areas of economics, politics, and social development after genocide will be discussed. In Rwanda in 1994 genocide occurred with mass killings of hundreds of thousands of minority Tutsis and Hutu. The death tolls are believed to be 800,000 or more. The three main ethnic groups in Rwanda have a very long history of social differences. Although they had differences they were able to live in relative peace until German and Belgian colonizers encouraged the barely controlled animosity between the Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa to erupt into violence. Habyalimana was president at this time and his assassination started the Rwanda genocide, which became one of the most massive killings in history. The women and young girls of this country were the victims of rape, mutilations, and death. The Hutu’s targeted and killed Tutsi’s and moderate Hutu men which not only was this genocide but it was also focused on gender. During the genocide there were a large number of Tutsi males murdered throughout Rwanda, and even today the scars from this civil war are still being felt and it is evident in Rwanda’s demographic imbalance. It is believed by sociologists that the demographic imbalance will continue in Rwanda for many years. One effect that this demographic imbalance has brought about is the shift in power for women in every area in this country. To understand how the empowerment of women in Rwanda society has come about it is important to first understand its history and the all of the factors that had a part in the 1994 genocide of 800,000 Tutsis and Moderate Hutus. The Rwanda population consists of three tribes; the largest is the Hutu tribe which is about 85% of the population, then the Tutsi tribe which consists of about 14% of the population, and last is the Twa which only makes up 1% of the population. The Twa did not have much direct involvement in the power struggles that lead to the genocide. Each of these tribes had their own occupation, with Hutu engaged more in cultivation, Tutsi in raising livestock, and Twa in hunting and forestry (Social Stratification of Rwanda People, 2008). There clearly was a status distinction between Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa, with Tutsi at the top of the social hierarchy and Twa at the bottom (Rwanda Culture in Africa, 2008). Hutus and Tutsis are both of the same races but have different feature which set them apart. The Hutu are stocky and short with rounded faces, flat noses, and dark skin (History, 2010). Tutsi are much taller, lighter skinned with oval faces and straight noses. The Tutsis’ physical appearance led many to believe they are of Ethiopian descent (History, 2010). In Rwanda the society is patriarchal with men holding more powerful positions than women. According to Countries and Their Cultures “Agricultural work is divided between women and men. Men clear the land and assist women in breaking the soil, while women engage in most of the day-to-day farming activities, such as planting, weeding, and harvesting. Men bear the primary responsibility for overseeing livestock, assisted by youths who act as shepherds. Men also do heavy jobs around the house, such as construction, while women are responsible for maintaining the household, raising children, and preparing food. Formal nonfarm employment in Rwanda is dominated by men, while women often participate in informal nonfarm economic activities, such as market trading.” (Countries and Their Cultures, 2011). Women in contemporary Rwanda hold few political positions and have limited economic power, as seen in the difficulties women have in inheriting land and property (Countries and Their Cultures, 2011). Countries and Their Cultures states that “marriage is considered the most basic social institution in Rwanda, and the pressure to marry and have children is quite heavy.” The article goes on to state “marriage across ethnic lines between Hutu and Tutsi is relatively common.” (Countries and Their Cultures, 2011). However the Twa tribe faces segregation and is discriminated against by both the Hutu and Tutsi and intermarriage with the Twa is not allowed although intermarriage between Hutu and Tutsi is common. Over the years frequent intermarriages and economic relations have manage to blur the lines that differentiate between Tutsi and Hutu. Before the colonization of Rwanda, differences in social status between these groups held more importance than ethnic differences (History, 2010). With its long history of hierarchical social relations, Rwandan culture puts great emphasis on practices of etiquette that demonstrates respect and emphasis social rank both inside and outside the family (Countries and Their Cultures, 2011). Within the family, chairs are traditionally reserved for men, while other family members sit on mats on the floor and men eat first, with the women and children eating after (Countries and Their Cultures, 2011). However, when the colonial rule began in 1895 with the Germans and even later with the Belgians in 1916 the Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa were regarded as three distinct national groups. These colonizers operated under the concept of indirect rule and ran the colonies through the existing structures of power (Countries and their Cultures, 2008). The German and Belgian both operated under the assumption that power in Rwanda should be organized under ethnic lines (Countries and Their Cultures, 2008). These colonizers viewed and supported the Tutsi as the natural leaders and instituted policies that subjugated the Hutu while favoring the Tutsi (Countries and Their Cultures, 2008). Many sociologists and historians would concur that these policies by the Belgians marked the culmination of violence among ethnic lines, and consequently, set into motion atrocities that would rival that of the holocaust (History, 2010). The Civil War that began in 1994 affected the entire population of Rwanda the women are the one’s that most often suffer the most. According to Melanie Hugh “while men more often fight in combat, women in conflict situations are disproportionately the victims of sexual crimes such as rape and forced prostitution, and women are more often displaced as refugees.” (Hugh, M., 2010). She further goes on to state while these conflicts are devastating to the populace, civil wars also serve as defining moments, turning points, and catalysts for change (Hugh, M., 2010). Armed conflict often alters the very fabric of society, changing the ideas, beliefs, and social position of its members (Sambanis, 2002) (Hugh, M., 2010). For women, research has long documented that war allows women to operate outside of the constraints of traditional gender norms and to gain access to roles that were previously closed to them (Hugh, M., 2010). The women in Rwanda many damaged physically and psychologically became important in the survival of their country because many of these women who were widows and rape victims became the main monetary support for their families. Women in Rwanda came to the realization that with the death of so many of their men it would be their responsibility to rebuild. The women in Rwanda were no longer relegated to just caring for their families and crops but found opportunities that before the genocide they never would have had. These women gained lands that before genocide would have been the property of the men that were killed. Hugh, M. states “Although women took part in the resistance, female fighters were only a small percentage of the guerillas that put an end to the genocide in Rwanda (Mutamba, 2005). Thus, most research on women in Rwanda focuses on the role of women and women’s groups in the aftermath of the genocide. Immediately after the killing subsided, women’s associations began to step into the void (Powley 2005).” (Hugh, M., 2010). Hugh goes on to state “These organizations were supported by international aid, which assisted their development at both the grass-roots and national levels. By 1997, more than 15,400 women’s organizations were operating in Rwanda (Newbury and Baldwin 2000).” (Hugh, M., 2010). In 1994, under the umbrella of a preexisting organization of women’s associations called Pro-Femmes/Twese Hamwe, women drafted a document addressing Rwanda’s post-conflict problems and suggesting how women could foster reconciliation (Hugh, M., 2010). Women not only used words but actions as well by serving as mediators and civilian authorities to effectively end the ongoing insurgency in northern Rwanda (Muamba 2005). Hugh adds to this by stating Pro-Femmes served as a key advocate for women by eliciting suggestions from women at the grass-roots level, meeting with the state gender machinery, making recommendations to ensure that the constitution increased women’s political representation, and then lobbying for constitution’s adoption.” (Hugh, M., 2010). Incorporating women’s associations into the reconstruction effort facilitated the adoption of political factors that further empowered women (Hugh, M., 2010). In the post-conflict period, Rwanda established institutional and electoral structures quite favorable to women. In addition to adopting a party-list proportional representation system and a 30 percent gender quota, the transitional government established gender machinery favorable to women, including women’s councils, the Ministry for Gender and Women in Development, and gender posts in all other government and ministerial bodies (Hugh, M., 2010). Women’s influence on the Rwandan economy and the country in general can be seen everywhere. Today, it is not uncommon to find women working in factories, working on construction sites, and even driving taxi cabs. These changes came about because of the efforts of the current Rwandan president Kagame who implemented policies that helped women both politically and economically. These changes in constitutional policy required that a percentage of all cabinet and parliament seats should go automatically to women, the remaining are open for the elections. Because of these changes Rwandan government became the first in the world to have females as the majority in government seats. The positions that women in Rwanda holds range from Supreme Court Chief to other offices such as speaker of the house. With their new found empowerment they were able to change and implement laws that benefit women such as passing a law that made domestic and child abuse illegal. They also developed policies that focus on education, population control, HIV/AIDS, and birth control campaigns. The atrocities that the people in Rwanda faced during the genocide were horrific and the loss of over 800,000 people was devastating. The genocide that happened in Rwanda served to show that segregation, discrimination or subjugation of ethnic groups is still possible and unacceptable. Out of this conflict the women in Rwanda were able to take advantage of opportunities that other wise would not have been available. These women showed that given the chance and a voice they could influence policies and change legislation that affect their welfare.

References
Countries and Their Cultures (2011). Rwanda. Retrieved March 17, 2011, from http://www.everyculture.com/No-Sa/Rwanda.html
Hugh, M. (2010). Understanding the Positive Effects of Civil War on Women’s Parliamentary Representation. Retrieved March 17, 2011, from www.sociology.ohio-state.edu/people/mmh/conflict-paper.pdf
History. (2010). Rwanda Country Review, 6-8. Retrieved March 17, 2011, from Business Source Complete database.
Rwanda Culture in Africa (2008). Rwanda Culture. Retrieved March 17, 2011, from http://www.uganda-visit-and-travel-guide.com/rwanda-culture.html
Social Stratification of Rwanda (2008). Retrieved March 17, 2011, from http://www.uganda-visit-and-travel-guide.com/social-stratification.html