Blake Hardnett
Mrs. Douglass
18 January 2010
Genocide in Mexico This paper explores incidents of genocide that occurred in Mexico from 1945 to 2001. Research focuses on four main episodes of genocide: the October 2, 1968 massacre in Tlatelolco; the Corpus Christi massacre on June 10, 1971; and Mexico’s Dirty War that occurred from the early 1970’s through the 1980’s; and the genocide of women that has been occurring since the Dirty War. Research indicates that the first three episodes of genocide were the responsibility of corrupt government leaders and the army and police that carried out the genocide under government orders (Krauze 725-752). Luis Echeverria, a leading figure in the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) during the 1960’s and Mexico’s president from 1970 to 1976, was charged with genocide related to these events in 2004. However, the charges were dropped due to a judge ruling that the events took place too long ago (BBC 1). The fourth episode of genocide against women is due to the drug cartels and the corrupt government officials that are involved in crime in Mexico (Ramirez 1-2).
From 1945 to 1964, Mexico was booming and prosperous because the Second World War had just ended and modernization and industrialization were priorities for the three Mexican presidents during those years. The presidents in office from 1946 until 1964 were Miguel Aleman, Adolfo Ruiz Cortines and Adolfo Lopez Mateos. During this time, Mexico had good relations with the United States. Many new millionaires emerged as a result of the industrialization. However, society was split into two different classes—the very poor, and the very rich people with the mansions and yachts. Corruption had seeped into the government administration, especially under Aleman. The industrialization and government priorities resulted in low wages for the working class, inferior schools, unskilled labor and little hope for improvement for the very poor. In addition, a population boom occurred and it hurt the country and the economy (Meyer and Sherman 639-644). The PRI used corruption and bribery to maintain control of people. Corruption ranged from illegal land holdings to charging the public for free public services, theft of public money, and selling jobs (Merrill and Miro 249). Under President Mateos, many social welfare programs such as public housing, old age pensions, and public health services were started. However, there was still no real solution for the problems brought about by overpopulation (Krauze 651-658). In 1964, Gustavo Diaz Ordaz was chosen as president. His Interior Minister was Luis Echeverria. They were was a rigid leaders who demanded order and control, and a growing Student Movement rebelled against them and challenged the government to improve life for the poor and end the corruption. The Student Movement wanted an end to the oppressive PRI government. The movement in Mexico was similar to what was going on world-wide. People around the world watched television and saw the burning of Watts in Los Angeles, the riots in Tokyo, Prague and Berlin, the Kent State killings of students and the marches for peace and civil rights around the world (Meyer and Sherman 663-664). It was a time where many citizens were standing up and demanding a change in the leadership and actions of their governments, and students in Mexico also protested for changes. The Mexican government thought the students were Communists and prepared to act against them (Krauze 706). On October 2, 1966, a student from Guerrero was shot to death by police, but the government blamed it on “professional agitators involved with foreigners” (Krauze 689). In response to this, the students demanded the removal of the governor, but President Ordaz stepped in and coordinated the occupation of the University with his Interior Minister, Luis Echeverria. They made lists of students and ordered their apartments to be entered and searched. Many evictions were carried out at knife point. No one was killed during this incident, but student rebellion began to rise (Krauze 689-690).
By July 1968, several other incidents of police brutality, college and prep school occupations by the Mexican army, and killings had happened. On July 22, a fight between two schools in Mexico City at a football game resulted in grenadiers coming in and swinging clubs at students (Krauze 694). In another incident Interior Minister Echeverria warned of an uprising at a preparatory school, and an order was given to have the army occupy the San Ildefonso School, where they launched a military attack on the school and blew away the wooden gate with a bazooka and occupied the school. Finally, on October 2, 1968, just days before Mexico would host the Olympic Games, a genocide occurred in Tlatelolco. There was a student demonstration on La Plaza de las Tres Culturas at Tlateloco, Mexico City. The scene was described as people fleeing in terror, away from soldiers coming at them from all directions with pistols, rifles, bayonets, tanks, bazookas and machine guns. When the shooting finally ended bodies were hauled away in trucks, with most of the dead never being accounted for. The government told newspapers that only a few people were killed, but as families searched for loved ones, the true number of casualties was estimated at between 200 and 400. In addition to the killings, over 2,000 people were taken into custody and stripped, beaten and abused (Krauze 720-722).
The government blamed terrorist snipers for starting the incident; the students blamed police; and many Mexicans blamed the United States CIA for provoking the incident. The Mexican government has always denied its responsibility. In 2006, ex-Mexican president Luis Echeverria was cleared of genocide charges related after the judge found the event exceed the thirty year statute of limitations (BBC News).
The Corpus Christi Massacre took place on June 10, 1971 in Mexico City. It was another instance of the Student Movement protesting against the government. Luis Echeverria had released the leaders of the 1968 Student Movement from prison. They organized a march to show that their cause was still alive. What happened was an organized ambush in which several hundred students were killed. However, no one knows for sure because years later it was told that Echeverria had ordered all bodies be burned to hide the death count (Krauze 752). The night of the massacre, President Echeverria appeared on television and announced that he would launch an investigation to find out who was behind the massacre. Within days two high officials in a paramilitary group resigned, and Echeverria blamed the massacre on them. No other investigation took place. In this way, Echeverria, tried to get the Mexican students to believe he was on their side (Krauze 746).
The Dirty War began in the early 1970’s when Luis Echeverria became president. Several revolutionary groups sprung up to rebel against the oppressive government, and committed robberies and kidnappings from which they received large sums of money. President Echeverria gave the military the freedom to fight the rural guerilla groups however they chose. However, this resulted in the detention, torture and killing of civilians, not just terrorists. Mexican human rights groups have collected evidence of over 650 cases of civilians who disappeared from Guerrero during the dirty war (Doyle 4).
The genocide against women in Mexico started during the Dirty War, during which the PRI was corrupt and committed many political murders and many people were “missing.” The organized crime in Cuidad, Juarez, Chihuahua and El Paso exploit women by using them in prostitution rings. Since 1993, more than 4,000 women, mostly workers and students, have disappeared from Ciudad Juarez. Amnesty International reports that 327 of these women were found and had been tortured, raped, mutilated and murdered. The government tries to hide the murders and disappearances of the women. The organized drug trafficking which corrupt government officials are involved in is blamed for the genocide of women (Ramirez 2-3). These episodes of genocide fit the eight stages usually found in genocides. First, the targets were classified as political dissidents, usually students, and more recently as young women. Second, the symbolization was the Student Movement and the peace marches. This symbolized a challenge to government. The women’s genocide came about because the government was able to get away with the earlier genocides. The women were easy targets. The third stage of dehumanization occurred in the killing sprees that happened during the all of the incidents. Each of the massacres was organized by the government and carried out by the police and/or army, and in the case of the women, it was allowed by the government. The groups were polarized in that they did not have a voice in government—they were either students or women and usually young. The sixth step of preparation of identifying individuals by name happened when the government took over a university, but other killing was random also. It is documented that many people were killed or missing, even those who were not part of the student movement (Doyle 4). The seventh stage of extermination occurred with the police and/or militia’s guns, bayonets and tanks. In the case of women, first they were exploited and raped, and later they were murdered. The final stage of denial also occurred, and still continues. All the guilty parties deny their involvement.
Mexico’s genocides were against government opponents first, followed by the genocide of women. They were carried out by the government and its security forces, and in some cases with organized crime members. Other genocides that targeted political dissidents or women and were carried out or allowed by the government occurred in the following countries: Guinea, Togo, Congo-Brazzaville, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cuba, Afghanistan, Cambodia and Iran (Genocide Watch). The genocides in Mexico targeted students with different political ideas. Next they targeted women who were easy targets to exploit and then murder. The thing all genocides have in common is that in the end, the result is that a group of people that have something in common—political views, religion, race, gender—are killed or harmed as a group.

Works Cited
Doyle, Kate. “The Dawn of Mexico’s Dirty War.” National Security Archive. 5 December 2003. 16 May 2010. <http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv /NSAEBB>.
Doyle, Kate. Tlatelolco Massacre: Declassified U.S. Documents on Mexico and the Events of 1968. 14 May 2010. <http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv /NSAEBB>.nocides and Politicides Since 1945. Genocide Watch 2010.
Krauze, Enrique. Mexico: Biography of Power. New York: Harper Collins Publishers, Inc., 1997.
Merrill, Tim and Ramon Miro, ed. Mexico: A Country Study. Washington DC: Library of Congress, 1997.
Mexico Genocide Charges Dropped. BBC News. 08 July 2006. 14 May 2010.http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk
Meyer, Michael C. and William L. Sherman. The Course of Mexican History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1979.
Ramirez, Norma Edith. “Mexico-Genocide Against Women Workers.” In Defence of Marxism. 24 November 2003. 17 May 2010.<http://www.marxist.com/mexico-genocide-women-workers.>
Sullivan , Kevin. “Mexico to Seek Genocide Charges Against Officials in 1968 Massacre.” The Washington Post. 14 January 2005. 14 May 2010.< http://latinamericanstudies.org/mexico/genocide>.