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International Human Resources Management

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Perbezaan 1Malaysia, Malaysian Malaysia
2010/08/29 - 06:52:24 AM Cetak Emel Kawan
Gagasan diperkenal Najib dokong ideologi menyeluruh imbangi perpaduan rakyat pelbagai kaum

KONSEP ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ adalah agenda politik yang diperjuangkan parti pembangkang DAP. Ia pada mulanya adalah rancangan untuk menentang dasar etnik pada Artikel 153 Perlembagaan Persekutuan oleh People’s Action Party (PAP), sebuah parti politik Singapura yang dipimpin Lee Kuan Yew.

Konsep ini bukan saja tidak mendapat tempat di hati rakyat Malaysia yang berbilang kaum, malah didapati amat subversif sehingga boleh memecahbelahkan rakyat. Konsep inilah yang membawa kepada penyingkiran Singapura daripada Persekutuan Malaysia pada 1965.
Konsep ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ adalah perjuangan DAP terhadap apa yang didakwanya sebagai pencerobohan hak kaum bukan Melayu oleh kaum Melayu. Ia dipersepsikan wujud dalam bentuk tindakan afirmatif yang mendiskriminasi kaum bukan Melayu.

Persepsi ini bukan saja tidak betul, malah pencabulan terhadap persetujuan etnik yang dicapai kaum Melayu, Cina dan India dalam pakatan kemerdekaan.

Pakatan kemerdekaan ini kemudian menjadi salah satu lunas penting dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Ia adalah tolak ansur antara isu kerakyatan dalam kalangan bukan Melayu dengan apa yang kemudian dikenali sebagai Ketuanan Melayu.

Ketuanan Melayu – walaupun istilah yang kurang disenangi sesetengah pihak – sebetulnya adalah legitimasi watan mengenai bahasa, kedudukan, lambang kuasa serta agama penghuni asal negara ini. Secara fitrahnya ia dilindungi di mana-mana negara, apatah lagi yang majmuk seperti Malaysia.
Pakatan kemerdekaan juga dikenali sebagai kontrak sosial. Walaupun berjaya dicapai akhirnya, ia sebenarnya menerusi banyak proses rumit yang kadangkalanya memperlihat ketegangan ketika rundingan.

Ia perlu terus diterima pakai pada masa kini, walaupun dianggap sudah lapuk oleh sesetengah pihak. Ini antaranya adalah kerana ia bukan saja tolak ansur etnik yang adil, malah sesuai untuk sebuah negara majmuk seperti Malaysia.

Walaupun dengan simbol Melayu seperti bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa kebangsaan, kedudukan istimewa Bumiputera sebagai penghuni asal, lambang kuasa Melayu dalam bentuk pemerintahan beraja dan Islam selaku agama Persekutuan, kepentingan asas kelompok lain tidak sekali-kali terjejas.

Malah ia, sama ada dalam bentuk kelayakan ekonomi mahupun kebebasan budaya, dilindungi dengan cukup sasa dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

Legitimasi watan ini – yang seolah-olah mengenakan kedominanan Melayu – sebenarnya terus membenarkan, misalnya bahasa ibunda kelompok lain dikembangkan. Ini termaktub pada Artikel 152. Dengan ini, pendidikan vernakular Cina misalnya, bukan saja berkembang dengan pesat di negara ini, malah menjadi sistem paling lengkap di Asia Tenggara.

Walaupun Islam menentukan kelakuan moral nasional, bukan saja kebebasan beragama diperuntukkan pada Artikel 3, keunggulan Islam tidak sekali-kali diguna untuk menjadikan agama lain tidak penting di Malaysia.

Konsep ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ menganggap legitimasi watan pada Artikel 153 sebagai diskriminasi etnik dan menggunakan Artikel 8 untuk menganjurkan keadilan dalam kalangan semua warga Malaysia.

Ini dilakukan untuk memperoleh kesamarataan bagi semua kaum tanpa mengambil kira sejarah tanah air, khususnya sejarah sosial dan budaya orang Melayu.

Oleh itu, ia amat bertentangan dengan gagasan 1Malaysia, selain langsung tidak mengendahkan semangat muhibah serta tolak ansur yang penuh dengan semangat setia kawan pada kontrak sosial 1957.

Gagasan 1Malaysia pula ingin mengimbangi Artikel 153 dengan Artikel 8 dengan tidak sekali-kali membelakangkan kontrak sosial yang dipersetujui bersama itu. Ini antaranya akan dicapai melalui prinsip keadilan sosial antara kedudukan istimewa orang Melayu dengan kepentingan asas kaum lain.

Ini akan dilakukan berdasarkan peruntukan dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan.
Inilah perbezaan besar antara 1Malaysia dengan ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ yang ingin menghapuskan Artikel 153 dan hanya menggunakan Artikel 8 sebagai dasar etnik di negara ini.

Dengan kata lain, konsep ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ mengambil pendekatan sosialis tanpa mengambil kira sentimen semua pihak, khususnya kelompok dominan di negara ini. Gagasan 1Malaysia pula menggunakan pendekatan demokratik dengan berpandukan persetujuan yang dicapai bersama pada 1957.

Selain itu, restu dan kemuliaan hati semua pihak, sama ada majoriti mahupun minoriti ikut diperoleh dari semasa ke semasa.

Dengan pendekatan demokratik ini, satu lagi kontrak sosial dicapai pada 1971, iaitu Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB). Tindakan afirmatif ini dan juga yang sebelumnya sebetulnya tidak boleh dipersoal, apatah lagi dipertikai.

Ia sudah dipersetujui bersama dan dirancangkan untuk membawa kesejahteraan kepada negara. Biarpun demikian, ia boleh dibincangkan dari semasa ke semasa secara berhemah untuk memastikan tidak berlaku penyelewengan dan hal yang seumpamanya.

Untuk Malaysia bergerak ke hadapan, khususnya mencapai status negara maju seperti dihasratkan dalam Wawasan 2020, gagasan 1Malaysia adalah satu-satunya alat yang mampu membawa perubahan ke arah itu.

1Malaysia sebagai konsepsi perpaduan dan kemajuan negara, wujud dalam bentuk pelan tindakan mempunyai hala tuju yang jelas. Ini satu lagi perbezaan besar antara gagasan ini dengan ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ yang sehingga kini hanya idea yang bukan saja tidak mempunyai perincian, malah lebih kepada hujah bercakap ketika berucap saja.

Kaedah kesamarataan yang dianjurkan dalam konsep ‘Malaysian Malaysia’, selain tidak jelas kerana tidak mampu dikupas dengan baik akibat tiadanya natijah yang baik, menolak hakikat kewujudan lebih awal kaum Bumiputera, khususnya orang Melayu di bumi yang namanya Tanah Melayu.

Ini dilakukan antaranya dengan memanggil sesetengah orang Melayu sebagai pendatang kerana berhijrah ke Tanah Melayu dari pelbagai tempat di Nusantara, iaitu Kepulauan Melayu yang luas itu.

Dengan ini, konsep ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ menganjur identiti nasional yang terdiri daripada semua nasionalisme etnik yang ada di Malaysia tanpa bersandar pada sebarang teras. Ia langsung tidak mengambil kira orang Melayu sudah bermastautin di sini lama sebelum kemasukan kaum lain pada abad ke-19 dan ke-20.

Sehubungan ini, gagasan 1Malaysia dalam menganjurkan keadilan untuk semua, memastikan ia dilakukan dari sudut sosiologi Malaysia yang berbilang kaum. Ia sentiasa mengambil kira kaum asal dan tidak sekali-kali meminggirkan kaum bukan asal dalam agenda pembangunan negara.

Ia tetap mengiktiraf, malah menggalakkan nasionalisme etnik terus wujud dalam bentuk utuh, seperti yang dipersetujui bersama dan disenangi semua kaum.

Pada masa sama, gagasan 1Malaysia mengikat semua kaum melalui satu identiti nasional dalam bentuk ‘kesatuan dalam kepelbagaian’. Dalam hal ini, ia tidak sekali-kali membelakangkan kaum asal dan tidak akan pula cuba mengasimilasikan kaum bukan asal.

Inilah kemuliaan yang ada pada gagasan 1Malaysia. Ia adalah ideologi yang menyeluruh kerana meliputi kedua-dua rancangan perpaduan dan kemajuan serta penuh pula dengan pelbagai perincian. Tambahan lagi, ia amat realistik dan praktikal sekali.

Penulis ialah Felo Penyelidik Utama dan Profesor Sosiolinguistik Bahasa Melayu di Institut Alam dan Tamadun Melayu, UKM
Perbezaan 1malaysia dan 1israel
Yang nyata, One Israel adalah gagasan untuk memantapkan kesatuan kaum Yahudi semata-mata dengan tidak memberi ruang keadilan kepada rakyat Palestine yang dizalimi dan ditindas itu. Ia berbeza dengan gagasan 1Malaysia yang bersifat penerimaan inklusif di mana keadilan sosial ditegakkan untuk semua kaum, agama dan kepercayaan berasaskan kepada Perlembagaan Persekutuan, Rukun Negara, Wawasan 2020 dan Misi Nasional.

1Malaysia dibangunkan di atas konsep perpaduan dalam kepelbagaian di mana keadilan sosial, nilai-nilai murni dan nilai-nilai aspirasi 1Malaysia merangkumi budaya berprestasi tinggi, ketabahan, hormat-menghormati, budaya ilmu, integriti, kebijaksanaan, rendah hati dan kesetiaan ditekankan untuk dijadikan amalan seluruh rakyat Malaysia. 1Malaysia yang mendukung prinsip Rakyat Didahulukan, Pencapaian diutamakan dilaksanakan dalam struktur ekonomi, politik dan sosial masyarakat yang melibatkan aspek keterangkuman, iaitu penglibatan seluruh rakyat Malaysia tanpa batasan kaum.

Kesimpulan, antara Gagasan 1 Malaysia dan One Israel mempunyai perbezaan yang cukup nyata. Gagasan 1Malaysia tidak memiliki elemen rasisme atau ideologi perkauman, manakala One Israel adalah jelas bersifat rasis, egoistik, cauvinistik, partikularistik dan diskriminasi.One Israel bersifat eksklusif yang dikhususkan untuk kaum Yahudi dengan menafikan hak rakyat Palestine, manakala 1Malaysia adalah bersifat inklusif. Ia adalah gagasan yang berusaha untuk memperkukuhkan perpaduan pelbagai kaum di negara ini di mana hak semua kaum dibela berasaskan Perlembagaan Persekutuan

They claimed that the prime minister's idea resembles the ideology of "Malaysian Malaysia" Lee spearheaded by the People's Action Party (PAP), which led to the separation of Singapore from Malaysia in 1965 before it was continued by splinter party, the DAP.
In recent years, there has been a writer and media non-Malays who polemicize matter with the primary focus takes the reader to the question, does that mean the government affirmative policies will be discontinued.
In other words, they tried to question the special rights of the Malays and Bumiputeras as enshrined in the Constitution to create confusion in the minds of the public by implying that non-Malays being marginalized by the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN).
"The idea that we need to clarify because it involves the administration of the government," said political analyst Thock University Dr. Ker Pong when asked to comment on the matter.
The question is what is the real motive raised the matter? Is it true 1Malaysia vision equaling Malaysian Malaysia and whether people are confused by the concept as claimed by some quarters or who is actually confused
Ethnic relations expert Prof Datuk Dr Shamsul Amri Baharuddin said Malaysian Malaysia ideology is not the same with the 1Malaysia concept, even though the two that led to the formation of nation-states.
"Ideology Malaysian Malaysia recognizes that all people have equal rights but not special rights. This is contrary to the Federal Constitution, "he told Bernama here, with reference to Article 153 of the Constitution mentions the special rights of the Malays and other Bumiputera guarantee the status and rights of other communities in the country.
He said Malaysian Malaysia ideology also irrelevant in the context of Malaysia as the national unity does not happen through "unity in sameness" but "unity in diversity".
Shamsul Amri, who is also director of the Institute of Ethnic Studies (KITA), Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, said the unity of this country occurs through four processes running simultaneously, namely assimilation, accommodation, acculturation and amalgamation.
"Intermarriage in which a person must convert to Islam to marry a Muslim man or woman, as many in Sabah and Sarawak, is the best example of the assimilation process.
"The process of accommodation can also be seen through the open houses attended the races while the process of acculturation (cultural borrowing) had occurred in the country," he said.
Shamsul Amri said it was therefore not surprising to see the Chinese person wearing Malay or Malay women wear cheong sam or the Indians wear baju kurung through the process of cultural borrowing.
Amalgamation or merger process occurs as dance culture "MACHINDA" that combines dance Malays, Chinese and Indians, now known as the dance of "medley", said the professor of anthropology.
Elaborating, Shamsul Amri said the significant structural differences such as religion, race, region and the position of the Malay rulers of nine Malaysian Malaysia does not allow ideology implemented in the country.
"We have a federalist country is not a country" unitary "like France, Germany or Japan where fusion occurs through the standardization process," he said.
Political observers see the confusion should not arise if the slogan of "1Malaysia. People First. Performance Now. "Translated as a whole and not separately as the idea of" 1Malaysia "only.
"1Malaysia is a slogan that is easy to understand all sides," said social activist Tan Sri Lee Lam Thye.
It is like the slogan "Clean, Efficient and Trustworthy" introduced former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and the slogan "Working Together I, Not Work For Me" by Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, said Lee.
But political analyst Prof Dr Mohammad Agus Yusoff said the government must prove that proclaimed the new ideas with the potential to change policy implementation.
"If no changes are made then the idea is just to stay as a political slogan that there is no meaning," said Mohammad Agus, who is also a political science lecturer from UKM Bangi.

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...Assignment Question Part A. Locate, read and review the following article: Tansley, C. and Tietze, S. (2013) ‘Rites of passage through talent management progressions stages: an identity work perspective’, The International Journal of Human Resource Management 24(9): 1799—1815. Part B. Reflect on the discussions that you have engaged in within your study groups on Blackboard. Explain how the lessons that you have learnt from the activities have influenced how you have approached and written your assignment Word Count: Part A: 1,054 Part B: 509 Total: 1,563 Research Questions Addressed by Study The research questions by Tansley & Tietze (2013) are ‘What constitutes rites of passage across successive levels of a talent management programme?’ and ‘What is the role of identity work in ensuring successful advancement through each talent management rite of passage?’ Theoretical Framework Underpinning the Study The study was to build on the literature of talent management at the individual and communal levels since existing talent management literature is mainly concerned with the structural aspect of talent management strategies. Therefore, not much emphasis has been placed on how management strategies and protocols are experienced and responded to by talent at different stages of talent management process and how these responses inform, incorporate and involve identity work by such talent (Huang and Tansley 2012, cited in Tansley...

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