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Iraq Operational Plan

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In this essay I will evaluate U.S. military campaign planning for Iraq using operational design (as described in Chapter III, Joint Publication 5-0 Joint Operation Planning). Chapter III of JP 5-0 provides the framework for the development of operational plans and orders that convey the ends, ways, means and risk that support the achievement of strategic and operational objectives. The commander’s role is complex. Commanders not only lead the staff, but they must also articulate national leader’s strategic intent to the staff that in turn collaborate through a recursive and ongoing dialogue to solve complex and ill-defined problems (5-0, III-2). This comparative analysis is primarily based on the books Cobra II and The Surge, and will evaluate …show more content…
The Northern and Southern oil fields, suspect WMD sites, air defense sites and republican guard locations were identified as objectives that needed to be protected or neutralized (C2, 22). Operational design limitations regarding force size, composition and transportation requirements, frustrated planners ability to plan adequate troop to task ratios. The strategic objectives, numerous potential WMD sites, long supply lines and porous borders were not clearly identified as a significant risk in the Cobra II plan. Therefore, additional forces were not readily available, if needed, and once the battle started, the operational environment and target objectives quickly exceeded the ground commander’s operational reach. Additionally, because the administration was not interested in a long term U.S. nation building operation, planners did not plan for adequate stabilization or peace keeping forces. OPLAN 1003-98 called for 380,000 troops to stabilize the 24,000,000 populace (c2, 53). The civilian policy guidance was that Iraqi institutions along with Iraqi military and police would be coordinated by a small, U.S. task force to rebuild Iraq after Phase III of the operation (c2, …show more content…
When ethnosectarian war broke out in Iraq in 2006, military leaders initially inferred that is was the presence of foreign forces that was inflaming the society and destabilizing Iraq (C2, 163). GEN Casey needed to evaluate a COA that would better protect his forces. His staff assessed conditions and recommended pulling forces back into major operating bases instead of continuing to try to stabilize the situation with the limited resources (Surge, 31). Up to this point in the war, based on the administrations repeated reluctance to employ an adequate number of troops, pulling back was a more preferred reframing COA under the circumstances. Additionally, sectarian leaders were calling for the removal withdrawal of U.S. forces amid claims that it was their presence that was inflaming the situation (Surge, 44) In 2006, the Iraq study group concluded that the U.S. was losing the war and MNF-I similarly concluded that the ends ways and means of the campaign were out of alignment (surge 33). MNF-I options for reframing were limited due to the lack of resources. In the fall of 2006, the administration decided to reframe the campaign by sending tens of thousands of additional troops to Iraq (surge 34). Providing enough troops to secure the populace turned the tide in Iraq in 2007-08 (surge 263). Based on the

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