Variations and Common Findings The evidence indicates that the reasons for withdrawal vary according to student group, the nature of the institution, the support available and the subject studied. More often than younger learners, mature students cite non-academic reasons for leaving a course. However, the stated reasons for withdrawal need to be treated with caution. There are usually a number of inter-related reasons for leaving a course and former students often cite those that are the most recent or which protect their self-esteem. Nevertheless, research has identified a number of common factors associated with non-completion. The evidence indicates that the reasons for withdrawal vary according to student group, the nature of the institution, the support available and the subject studied. More often than younger learners, mature students cite non-academic reasons for leaving a course. However, the stated reasons for withdrawal need to be treated with caution. There are usually a number of inter-related reasons for leaving a course and former students often cite those that are the most recent or which protect their self-esteem. Nevertheless, research has identified a number of common factors associated with non-completion. Cohort Differences The evidence suggests that certain groups of students experience specific difficulties which can lead to their not continuing on a course. It has been noted, for example, that Access students often withdraw because of the contrast between the supportive environment of an Access courses and the less intimate and friendly atmosphere of a large and intimidating higher education institution: The most common reasons for intermitting were expressed as pressure caused by the different levels of tutor support between the Access course and the undergraduate programme, combined with the increased workload. There is a potential for culture clash for some students who come from a climate of intensive individual support on their Access courses' (University of Brighton, 1994: 3-4). 'A number of former Access students commented on the differences between those courses and the University, saying that they found the University less friendly and felt they had less support from staff One had difficulty with the contrast with her previous Access course where all the students were mature women, many with children. She found that they "pulled you through". On the degree course there were only two other mature students and she felt much more isolated' (Moore, 1995: 20). Individuals from minority ethnic groups and people with disabilities or special needs can also experience specific pressures and difficulties arising from lack of support, prejudice and discrimination which can lead to decisions to leave. While there is a scarcity of evidence on the experience of these groups (Metcalf, 1993), there is a growing body of evidence on the experience of women in education and the pressures that can lead to their withdrawal. Gender Differences Studies in all sectors have found significant differences between the sexes in their reported reasons for withdrawing from courses. As is to be expected, family commitments are cited by significantly more women than men, while men tend to stress course-, finance- and employment-related issues (Wirral Metropolitan College, 1994). This has been found in all types of provision, including distance learning: 'Gender had a significant impact on the reasons given. Family or domestic pressures were cited by more women than men; men claimed more often than women that the course content was not really what they wanted, and men more frequently gave limited time as a reason than women' (NEC, 1991). The DES analysis of leavers from first-year degree courses at colleges and polytechnics showed that men were more likely to leave for reasons of academic failure and women more likely to leave for personal and other non-academic reasons (Figure 10). Combining domestic responsibilities with study is a common problem for women students and many studies indicate that providers often fail to take this into account. Foong et al. (1994), for example, comment on the extent to which lack or inadequacy of creche provision on accelerated and intensive programmes has affected women students, all of whom withdrew from one course. The majority of the second cohort of entrants (63 per cent) were also dissatisfied with the quality of creche facilities. Hibbett (1986) found that 53 per cent of students who had left award-bearing courses at a college of higher education were married women. He concluded that this was probably the result of the conflict between domestic pressures and a demanding course. Cullen (1994) also refers to the pressure of 'juggling roles for women whose aims and purposes in life are so often discounted', while Metcalf (1993) cites a university study in Wales which found that mature women students expressed twice as many concerns as men. Edwards' (1993) study of women in higher education has also demonstrated how difficult it can be for women to combine their family and student roles. Her research subjects found that their family life experience was neither valued nor academically acceptable within masculine-oriented education institutions and no account was taken of their domestic commitments. At the same time, many found it difficult to connect their educational life with their family lives, as male partners (and sometimes other relatives) felt it affected family relationships and interfered with the women's domestic and emotional commitments. Women who persisted in trying to connect the two 'greedy institutions' encountered problems. Sixteen of 31 interviewees reported verbal abuse and arguments and three physical violence. Edwards observes that participation in higher education will continue to be difficult for women while they remain torn between these diverging pressures: 'While the policies and institutions concern themselves with inputs and outputs and privilege disciplines over students, and while the balance of male identity depends on a masculine/feminine demarcation that associates loss of power with loss of identity, combining education with family life (and relations with men especially) will never be easy for women.' Munn, MacDonald and Lowden (1992) also reported that trying to combine education and family was a constant dilemma for mature women students. They found that students on advanced or full-time courses tended to organise their lives so that their family could fit in with their studying but that the success of this depended on having a supportive family or partner. A study of male student experience, however (Maynard and Pearsall, 1994), indicated that married male students tend to receive far more support and encouragement from their partners than married female students. Although thc women in their study had virtually all deferred their entry to higher education until they were satisfied that their children no longer required their continuous presence in the home: 'their decision was contingent on the responses of partner and family to a much greater extent than was the case with the student fathers. lf approval was not forthcoming from the partners of student mothers their relationship could be put under strain and even at risk. None of the married male students experienced such negative reactions ... Male students frequently benefited from a striking level of solidarity from their partners, despite difficult financial circumstances arising _from the loss of the main income to the household. Like the other studies cited, this one found that female students experience considerable stress when there is a clash between domestic and education commitments: 'We discovered how severe the pressure on female students could be, ff their family expected them to maintain their role as manager of the home and pursue their studies simultaneously ... Most prioritised respectively the demands of the home and their courses as the pressures each presented varied. By contrast, the men were able to commit themselves more wholeheartedly to their student lives, academically and socially ... While both sexes experienced stress during their studies it was of a different nature and intensity for the women.' Thus a study which set out to investigate the problems experienced by male students threw into relief the far greater problems experienced by women. The researchers concluded: it is ironic that research into the experiences of male mature students should primarily reinforce the picture that has recently been emerging of the struggles of female students who have domestic obligations ... They are sometimes unnecessarily burdened by the lack of sympathy of their partners, friends and families, and, sadly, by the ignorance of many higher education institutions of their needs' (Maynard and Pearsall, 1994: 232-234). Many other reports have commented on the lack of support and opposition some women experience when they embark upon a serious programme of study. Green and Percy (1991) cite reports from Access courses on male partners' resistance to women's involvement, while Brady (1993) found that only about a quarter of the women on an Access programme in mathematics received any positive support from partners. In her study of non-completing Access students, Cullen (1994) found that a significant proportion of women students had experienced physical and/or verbal abuse from their partners or ex-partners while they were on the course. This kind of evidence suggests that the reasons for leaving courses may be qualitatively different for mature students from those of standard age students. Factors Associated with Early Non-Completion A finding that is consistent across sectors and institutions is that the first term, semester or year of study is crucial. Most institutional surveys and research reports have found that withdrawal rates are highest among all student cohorts early in a programme of study and that the chunces of successful completion risc significantly as students progress through a course (Davies and Yates, 1987). The following are typical responses from higher education institutions to the survey conducted for this project: 'Non-completion was highest during the first year of attendance. Fifteen per cent withdrew from first-year courses; 11 per cent failed or had to repeat and 5 per cent passed but did not re-enrol. In total almost one third of our students falter on their first year.' 'Most students withdrew early on in the year with 63 per cent leaving during the first term and 72 per cent during the first semester.' 'The vast majority withdraw in the first year, with the third month the peak month for leaving for both full-time and part- time students. The factors associated with early withdrawal are well established. They include: inappropriate or rushed course choice lack of preparedness for level of work lack of background knowledge/grounding in a subject workload and time commitment greater than anticipated lack of academic skills such as essay-writing, note-taking frustrated expectations (of course/institution) difficulties in settling in and integrating into the life of an institution lack of support from 'significant others' lack of financial support.